Since 2001 the Philippine Maoists led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) through its "legal fronts" actively participated in bourgeois elections by fielding their own candidates and/or supporting bourgeois allies in local governments and parliament. Through the pretext of "using the local government and parliament to advance the protracted people's war", the Maoists use its mass base and armed group - New People's Army (NPA) - to campaign for their own "communist" candidates and capitalist allies to have seats inside the capitalist state.
But in previous elections, the legal front organizations of CPP just discreetly (not openly) supported their capitalist allies who are exploiting the working class and poor but "supporting the armed struggle" or "just being neutral in guerilla warfare" for the time being. However, this support from the mainstream leftist organizations in the Philippines has a reciprocal reward from these capitalist politicians - money (financial support or "revolutionary tax" and votes for their party-lists and "communists" candidates whether through vote-buying or cheating. The names of these "communist" candidates were included in the sample ballots of their allies with money to buy the votes of the poor. This excludes the cheating by their allies at the COMELEC level.
This counter-revolutionary method of the Maoists is also practiced their rivals in the leftist movement particularly the so-called "anti-CPP" and "anti-maoists" leftist organizations like the Partido ng Manggagawang Pilipino (PMP), Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng Manggagawa-Alex Boncayao Brigade (RPM-ABB) or Akbayan.
The mere participation of the Leftists in bourgeois elections is a clear proof that these organizations do not really want to destroy the decaying exploitative system and its last defender - the state - but to defend them using "radical" and "revolutionary language" which in essence bourgeois slogans like democracy and nationalism. Those slogans were progressive in 19th century but completely reactionary in our epoch - the epoch of imperialism.
But their being counter-revolutionaries and left of capital do not end by their participation in bourgeois elections. Worst, these leftist organizations, because of their greedy ambition to enter the capitalist state even disregard their "discreet" support to their allies who are enemies of the people. Now, they openly support them for the 2010 elections.
Satur Ocampo, the senatorial candidate of the maoist Bayan Muna shamelessly said that the platform of the Nacionalista Party of Manny Villar is closest to theirs. With Satur's statement, it clearly showed that the maoist program is a bourgeois program like the NP. Without hesitation, Bayan Muna supports the candidacy of Manny Villar and Loren Legarda. Not surprising, same as the "leninist" Sanlakas support Erap today and Akbayan for Aquino-Roxas.
Nacionalista Party is a party of the Filipino bourgeoisie (the ilustrados). Though it does not mean that the Liberal Party of Noynoy Aquino and Mar Roxas is better than NP.
In Amado Guererro's "Philippine Society and Revolution", he denounced the puppets of US imperialism who among others were NP stalwarts like Manuel L. Quezon, Carlos P. Garcia, Ramon Magsaysay and Ferdinand Marcos.
Is the NP of Villar different from the NP of 1907 just as is the LP of Noynoy Aquino different from the LP 1945? Only people who are ignorant in the history of bourgeois politics in the Philippines would answer yes.
Manny Villar is a big capitalist (not a "nationalist bourgeois" in maoist jargon), a multi-millionaire and opportunist politician playing with different factions to climb upward in the political ladder of bourgeois politics. From pro-Erap to anti-Erap and pro-GMA. NP (like LP) entered an alliance with Gloria in 2004 elections to support her bid for president. Then became anti-GMA and pro-Erap. And now, becomes "anti-GMA" and "anti-Erap" to pursue his ambition for president. More so, Villar, like its rivals is not anti-US imperialism nor can be neutralize on this issue. In his statement in the media he said that "USA is an important partner" and all revolutionaries know what is "partnership" means between the Philippines and America.
No Filipino revolutionary believes in Villar's punch line: "sa sipag at tiyaga, aasenso ang bansa". This political gimmickry of NP is a great insult to the Filipino masses. This means that the majority are poor because they don't have "sipag at tiyaga" or it is not enough! And only Villar and his NP know the correct "sipag at tiyaga"! And the proof of this is Villar itself: from "rags to riches"!
So, for the Filipino people to get rich, they should follow Manny Villar's "formula of fortune" by electing him as president. And all things will get better!
Since Manny's formula is closest to the maoist formula "revolution", no wonder that Bayan Muna openly supports Villar for president. This is the result of 40 years of "brilliant leadership" of CPP to "advance the bourgeois-democratic revolution" in the Philippines: Villar's presidency could bring the CPP to Malacanang!
But if Bayan Muna would argue that "our alliance with Villar is temporary and we will denounce him as soon as he'll become president" or "we know that Villar is an enemy, we just use him to advance the revolution", then this people of Bayan Muna, especially its veteran cadres like Satur Ocamp do not understand Marxism and class struggle.
Leftism is really an enemy of proletarian revolution. Leftism is just the left arm of the bourgeoisie.
Talyo, December 14, 2009
Here is a text from one of the searching elements in the Philippines, a young college student. His text is his reflections on different variants of leftism he personally encountered, particularly maoism and anarchism.
As the world-wide proletarian struggles against capitalist attacks gain momentum, searching elements slowly emerged, studying marxism and leftism; reflecting them and taking position for the former against the latter.
Internasyonalismo, 22 July 2009
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Being a searching Marxist element in the Philippines is a difficult and usually a very lonely thing to be. Whenever one's ideology is stated, there is usually the stigma to deal with. Normally a regular person would generalize a true Marxist/Communist to be an atheist, a rebel, an activist, a dead man walking or a bitter man who is jealous. This faulty outlook on Marxism has not only been pushed by the Government, but also from the numerous so-called "Leftist" groups in the Philippines. We all know and recognize the fact that these "Leftist" groups are just the left arm of the Capitalist's political apparatus, trying to distract the working class from their true goal, the destruction of World capitalism. They promote state-capitalism and usually some strange personality cults which lead to dogmatism. The first of these groups are either Maoist or Stalinist strains. The most rampant one in the Philippines though are the Maoists. The Maoists usually try to integrate themselves in almost anything they see as a potential way of recruiting people, such as Political Parties, Student Organizations, and Worker Unions.
Being quite an active person in my college, I have come across numerous supposed "Leftists" who adhere to the Maoist thought. Though in general, I would classify them as Maoists, they have different levels of thinking, which helps differentiate each of them. The first ones are the novices or new initiates. The novices I meet usually have just been approached by a Maoist organization and either think about joining or have joined already. They do not know much theoretically aside from what they've been told by the organization. They usually are the idealistic romantic types who imagine and tremble with excitement at the thought of a rally or revolution while shouting slogans of "Nationalism and Democracy!", "I support Social Democracy!" or "Serve the People!" They are the types who believe that by joining forces with the Maoists, they will be able to change the world in a bloodless way. These people though can be easily swayed most especially when faced with a knowledgeable person who would argue about their ‘ideology'.
The next types of Maoists that I have encountered are those who have been in numerous "educational discussions" and believe that they are on the way to being a full fledged revolutionary! (I put "educational discussion" in quotations for it is neither educational, considering during these "discussions" the higher-ups just try to indoctrinate the novices with as much Maoist babble as possible, and nor is it a discussion seeing as how most of the time the higher-ups are talking and would entertain correct questions.) They would try to use almost every new word and concept they've learned in the course of their learning and try to slip it in almost everything they would talk about. These people usually try to be as humble as they can claiming that they aren't Maoist, not due to the fact that they disagree with it, but because they have not reached the pinnacle of Maoist philosophy, therefore they try to say that they are not worthy of the moniker. Though they are heavily influenced by the whole Mao school of thought, they still have a chance of breaking free from the dogma and realizing their error.
The next phase would be when one is highly indoctrinated. People who fall into this category are heavily influenced and are supremely loyal to both the organization and the ideology. This is the stage where the dogmatism has an iron grip and logic has ceased to exist. People who are in this deep have begun to slowly turn the ideology into some sort of cult, while others will blindly agree to Maoism being the evolution of Marxism itself! With these claims, they end up reinforcing the façade of what Communism is and repeat the cycle by bringing in as much initiates as possible. "Mao is perfect" and other such illogical lines are usually dribbled out of their mouths both as a statement of loyalty and a statement of rebellion against the current form of oppression. These people though would usually try to straw man an argument and call it valid, which is why they are usually the hardest to persuade back to the true form of Communism.
Contrary to popular belief though, not everyone is content or agreeable with the Maoist current. Those who are either disillusioned or disgusted from the beginning with Maoism make the big mistake of still relating it to Communism. Thus the rise and birth of Anarchism. Though not well known, the Anarchist scene in the Philippines has grown quite a bit. Sadly this growth is not of the intellectual kind, but one of style. The child of Proudhon, Bakunin and Kropotkin has been brought down to a lumbering idiot. Anarchism has lately been intertwined with the whole Punk Rock and then has been adapted as some sort of angst-y and rebellious teenage lifestyle which constantly "goes against rules" and other such statements which shows the de-evolution of what it once was.
Anarchists of this persuasion are usually depicted (and sometimes seen) riding around in their skateboards in the middle of the road, getting off jeepneys without paying, eating left over food in malls, vandalizing property and other acts of disorder. These kinds of people try to embody the current term of Anarchism which is chaos and disorder. From what these new "Anarchists" say, they wish to destroy the government because it promotes rules, and that the rules are evil and then would just trail off when trying to explain why. What they lack in knowledge though, they try to make up in enthusiasm.
Not all is lost for the original Anarchist current though. Amidst all the idiots are some actual Anarchists who have actually read Bakunin. Much like their intellectual forefathers though, they still believe that the State is an evil apparatus used to suppress and oppress the masses. The ones that I have met though believe that all kinds of organized systems are doomed to failure and that it is a lot better suited for the Philippines, for it is an archipelago. Also like their intellectual fathers, they would still claim that it would be better if everyone was given their own piece of land so that they can do whatever they want with it. Then there is the whole "my own set of rules, which everyone should respect." The "true" Anarchists I have met though are usually of petty-bourgeoisie or actual bourgeoisie backgrounds. True Anarchism though ends up being too self-centered and too individualistic, looking out for ones self, and putting ones need over the others.
All in all, the Philippine "Left" is compromised mostly of uneducated or misled people and the rest are either taking up the reigns to push forward their own purposes or actually believe that they are doing the right thing. As wrong as they are, there is still a sliver of hope that they can realize that what they are promoting and doing is not only detrimental to the worker's movement in the Philippines, but to the worker's movement in the world. By supporting or allowing these vulgar or bastardized versions of the worker's movement to run rampart, not only will the Filipino workers be tricked, but other such organizations around the world would seek support and help rally behind their flag. The only way the worker's movement can move further is not by taking power or doing actions in their name, nor can it progress if we try to alienate ourselves from one another. As what Marx said "Workers of the world unite, you have nothing to lose but your chains!"
Allan Mendoza, 21 July 2009
As the different factions of the ruling class in the Philippines both from Right and Left are very busy in their intra-factional squabbles through the issue of maintaining or amending the capitalist Constitution to tune it to defend national capitalism amidst the continuing descent of world capitalism in crisis, a minority part of the Filipino working class did not fall into this trap but instead assert their struggle in their own class terrain.
Workers of Paul Yu Lampshade export factory inside the Mactan Cebu export processing zone have shown the way for solidarity to resist capitalist attacks. Last May 8 they launched a wildcat work stoppage to force the management to have a dialogue with them regarding the many violations of labor standards and most of all, on the intolerable reduction of their wages through three days work rotation per week. Through their assemblies, the workers of Paul Yu decided to confront their capitalist boss. Last June 15, they once again launched a wildcat work stoppage to show solidarity against the suspension of their seven (7) colleagues because of their militant protest last month. They decided not to return to work until the management revoke the suspension of their colleagues.
Sense of solidarity is developing not only among the Paul Yu workers both regular and contractual. Some workers in different companies inside the export zone showed solidarity and pledge to launch solidarity actions in support of Paul Yu workers and at the same time unite with the latter's demands as their own since capitalist attacks are widespread not only in Paul Yu but almost all companies of the Export Zone. Paul Yu has more than 1,000 workforce while the entire Export Zone in Mactan Cebu has tens of thousands of workers.
For decades now, workers in the Philippines export zones have been prevented by the state and the capitalist class, like in other peripheral countries, to launch any unified and militant protests inside their Export Zones in order not to frighten investors and to convince them to invest than in their rival countries. The last time Export Zone workers launch widespread strikes was in the early 80s, in Bataan Export Processing Zone.
Lately, there are also workers' resistance in Triumph International and Goldilocks companies in Metro Manila.
This tendency of searching for solidarity is not particular with the Paul Yu workers or in the Philippines. This is now the increasing tendency of the workers around the world in their resistance against capitalism's attacks on their living conditions since 2003. The clarion call of "an attack to one is an attack to all, the struggle of one is the struggle of all" is once again finding an echo with an increasing number of workers, not only in the Philippines but around the globe - South Korea, Britain, France, Greece, Bangladesh, Egypt, etc.
The tendency of the workers to see the importance and power of their assemblies as organs of struggles is also beginning to develop. Although still influenced with bourgeois mystifications, this tendency echoes the world-wide tendency of the international proletariat for self-organization and putting the decision-making of their struggles in their own hands. The lessons of international struggles - solidarity and extension of struggles - to defend their class interests against capitalism's onslaught are increasingly realized by many Filipino workers like their brothers/sisters in Europe.
We do not know what will be the outcome of these struggles of the workers in Mactan Cebu Export Processing Zone. It will depend on the development of their solidarity, extension of struggles and defiance of capitalist laws that prevent and divide them to unify and resist. Nevertheless, as revolutionaries, we salute the development of their consciousness through their own struggles as part of the development of the consciousness of the world proletariat.
However, this development of solidarity could be derailed and diverted by bourgeois mystifications and the efforts of the different factions of the Filipino ruling class of the Right and Left of capital to dragoon the workers in the bourgeois terrain like the issue of Charter Change, Constituent Assembly, bourgeois elections next year or unionism. The main role of the revolutionaries within the workers movement in the Philippines is to be an active factor in resisting these bourgeois mystifications and convince their own class to continue the fight along the proletarian terrain.
To develop the immediate or economic struggles of the workers to political struggle is to relate these to the question of the state and its institutions like the parliament - the central defender of decaying capitalist system - not by having an illusion that the state could defend the workers but by smashing it. This is the political struggle of the working class on their own class terrain for socialism.
The whole world was shocked in massacre in Maguindanao last Monday, November 23. Fifty-seven (57)[1] confirmed brutally murdered by armed goons.
All sectors vehemently condemn the massacre.
Decadent capitalism: continuously generate violence
When capitalism is in its permanent decline, the violent conflicts between different factions of the ruling class escalate also. We also witnessed this in class societies in the past since the ancient slave society. Decadent capitalism killed more than 100 million in two imperialist world war. Not included here the local and regional wars in different parts of the planet. These wars are spreading and intensify especially in the Middle East. All of these are caused by factional rivalries of the different factions of the exploiting class.
On-going violence of different factions intensifies - within the Right, within the Left, and between the Right and Left. This is worst in backward countries like the Philippines where the "old-type" of warlordism in feudal system is still being used by modern capitalists in local level - in their own territories. Big capitalist-landlords have their own private armies, mercenaries whose loyalties is to kill for their master who give them big money and salaries. These modern warlords are also the political warlords in their own "local kingdoms". Politicians running for national positions especially for president lean on them since 1940s.
Society's barbarism: ruling class and state's inutility
When a mode of production is progressive, so as the ruling class. Generally, its rule gives "generalize harmony" in the rivalries of its different factions. Why? Because the social wealth to be divided is still vast under an advancing mode of production.
However, in the permanent decline of the system, the whole ruling class and the state itself that should "regulate" these conflicts in the society increasingly lost its capacity to assert rationality of the system it defends. And as decadent capitalism entered in its decomposing phase since 1980s, society rapidly losses its rationality and morality even in bourgeois standards. Rationalization in all things completely exploded under a dying system. Any mystifications of demarcation between the fascist dictatorship of one man and democratic order totally disappeared.[2] The so-called democracy was completely unmasked as the other face of bourgeois dictatorship.
Bourgeois analysts even admitted that the Maguindanao massacre is unparalleled in Philippine history even at the time of Marcos dictatorship. Maguindanao massacre refuted the claim of the exploiting classes that a democratic system is different from Marcos dictatorship.
Hypocrisy of ruling classes around the world
The state and all factions of the ruling class shed crocodile tears in Maguindanao violence. They condemn it but hiding the real cause, the root of this kind of barbarism.
Imperialist powers, the models of democracy, immediately issued statements condemning the massacre, where in fact, these countries initiated and behind the worst slaughter of world history in WW I and II, as well as the barbarism in the Middle East and Africa. The condemnation of imperialists America and Britain, and the den of thieves - United Nations - are so disgusting because the USA and UK are the initiators of barbarism today in the Middle East.
The Arroyo regime on the other hand made gimmicks declaring "national day of mourning", "national day of prayer", "state of emergency"[3], "no one above the law", blah blah blah.....
Bourgeois opposition and the Left are united in pointing to the ruling faction currently sitting in Malacanang[4] as the culprit to add points in their ambition for power or to have more seats in the state and parliament in next year's elections.
As before, the Right and Left use any issues dear to the people to advance their own self-interests.
The question is what faction of the ruling class - administration and opposition, Right and Left - that does not lean on the warlords and armed groups? Which of them who does not approach, talked to, and have an alliance with these armed groups especially in election campaigns? No one. All of them lean on and allied with them or creating their own private army!
Even the Mangudadatu clan, prime victims of massacre in Maguindanao is a warlord clan, and had connived with the other warlord clan - the Ampatuan - to sow terror and electoral fraud in Maguindanao last 2004 presidential elections in their province to make the Arroyo faction win.
Most of all, the state itself where they are violently fighting to control is the biggest and most powerful "warlord" having its own "private" army for the entire ruling class!
The Maguindanao massacre is not the last of heinous killings. It's just the beginning of more barbaric killings. The domination of rotten bourgeois ideology in society - "one against all" and "every man for himself" - pushes the different bourgeois factions, formerly allies in killing each other for their own self-interests especially in remote areas.
This is very clear in what happened in Maguindanao: the Mangudadatu and Ampatuan clans, the two most powerful warlords in Maguindanao, formerly allies, are mortal enemies today. In fact, the Ampatuan clan is the prime suspect as the brain behind the recent massacre in Maguindanao.
We should not be surprised if the Mangudadatu clan, currently allied with the administration party will change allegiance to the opposition if they are not convince to the "justice" to be rendered by the Arroyo regime. And there is strong possibility that the bourgeois opposition is already approaching the Mangudadatus.
Real peace can only be achieved after the overthrow of capitalism and its state
Decadent capitalism is a never-ending wars, violence and chaos.
Of all the violence happening today, the first victims are always the poor people. They kill each other not for their own class interests but to the bourgeois faction they are supporting. Furthermore, in this violence, innocent people are also victimized.
All condemnations by the Right, Left, media, Church and imperialist powers have one objective: strengthen the state to control whole society. For them, only the state has the power to bring "peace" and "normalcy" in society. A solution that could only bring about more violent conflicts and heinous killings because in decomposing system, the state is increasingly incapable to "control" conflicts in society. In fact, it is the root-cause of all the barbarism in society.
The only force who can bring peace to society is the revolutionary working class; the class who has the historic mission to end all exploitations. The class can do this if it would stand as an independent class in the forefront in the struggles of all exploited classes by capital.
And the first step is to overthrow the state.
Communists in the Philippines are calling the Filipino workers: no support between the warring factions of the class enemy. Don't be used by any faction of the enemy. Advance own class movement against the capitalist system and its state.
Internasyonalismo
November 26, 2009
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[1] Out of 57 murdered, more than 30 of them were journalists invited by the rival warlord - Mangudadatu - of the ruling warlord - the Ampatuan - to accompany them in filing the certificate of candidacy in the day of massacre. Even the international bourgeois media acknowledge that killing journalists in the Philippines is the worst in the world. Maguindanao is a predominantly muslim province, which is part of Mindanao, the second largest island in the Philippines.
[2] In the Philippines it is widely known that a "one-man dictatorial rule" of Ferdinand Marcos existed since 1972-86. And through a "People Power revolution", the "dictatorship" was dismantled in February 1986 and democracy reigns again since then.
[3] Lately, the state declared martial law in entire Maguindanao province to "accelerate in giving justice to the victims". This is a complete lie. Martial law means to re-assert the power of the state in an uncontrollable environment due to intra-factional violence.
[4] Malacanang - seat of power in the Philippines.
Learn the lessons of struggles of the international proletariat
In the midst of deepening crisis of world capitalism
(Statement of Internasyonalismo on May Day, 2009)
Amidst the desperate moves of the international bourgeoisie to stop the continuing decline of the system by intensifying the attacks on the working class, May Day of this year is not simply an international day of protests and demonstrations against world capitalism but an opportunity to learn the lessons of proletarian struggles against capitalist attacks since 2007.
Right and Left of the bourgeoisie tried to hide these lessons. The former: by covering-up the spreading of the struggles in many countries. If they are oblige to admit them through media, they make sure to describe them as "riots, violence and the handiwork of few violent elements" to sow fear among the masses or justified the state's violent suppression. The latter: by distorting the lessons and the real dynamic of struggles.
Both the Right and Left of capital are afraid and tried to prevent the workers looking for solidarity and extension of struggles in as many factories and "sectors" of the class. That's why they are very desperate to prevent that the mass of workers know and understand especially in countries like the Philippines the lessons of struggles of the most militant fractions of the international class in Europe.
This May Day, we should again assert that the proletariat is an international class and the struggle for socialism is an international one.
Workers are looking for widespread solidarity in struggle
In an open class antagonisms, the proletariat is looking for widespread solidarity. The latest class resistance are seen looking for solidarity with other factories and "sectors" of the class. We witness this in Greece, Britain, France, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, USA, and other countries since the crisis exploded in 2007.
In Greece, the extensive and militant actions are initiated by the youth against the attacks of the state and ruling class. In 2007 street fighting and university and union head-quarters occupations took place. Thousands of youth and workers participated in street actions and fightings until now. The most well-known of these was the workers' occupation of the head-quarters of the central union in Greece - GSEE - expressing their rage in unions' sabotage to the struggle. This was followed by more occupations of union head-quarters. Occupations spread out to other countries - USA, Poland, Britain, and others.
In Britain also, widespread "illegal" (wildcat) strikes of the workers to defend jobs happened. It first occurred in the oil plant of Lindsey and extended to other plants of oil, power, construction sites and chemicals. The most well-known was the confrontation by the striking workers against the union manoeuvres to tie the struggles to nationalism - against the migrant workers under the slogan "British jobs for British workers". Instead, workers asserted the unity between British and migrant workers to defend jobs. Against nationalism, workers affirmed internationalism - "workers of the world, unite!" The latest was the occupation of the workers of the car plants of Visteon in Belfast, Enfield and Basildon. It gain support from other workers and the occupation was transform into mass meetings of different workers from different "sectors".
In France, last January thousands of workers participated in widespread strikes in Guadeloupe, Martinique and La Réunion for jobs, wage increase and other benefits. The workers truly won the struggle because the state gave in to almost all their demands without concessions. Despite the union control, the workers directly participated and monitored the negotiations through "full media coverage". This is in opposition with what the unions and capitalists want - negotiations should only between the bosses and union leaders while the strikers just waiting.
In summary, the recent workers' struggles have the following traits:
Unity through solidarity strikes, demonstrations, mass meetings and assemblies. They are calling the other factories to participate in the struggle. And they are not simply calling. The factory that is striking sent delegations to other factories to convince them to participate in the struggle. They were able to make this because they "defy" the anti-working class laws of the state in a generalized manner. "Illegal" strikes become powerful when they are launch simultaneously or one after the other in many factories. The international proletariat launched these in the 1970s and 1980s including the Philippines.
Occupations in the factories, universities and head-quarters of reaction. But these occupations were different in the past decades. Occupations in the past only isolate the workers from their class brothers/sister. They seem imprison themselves inside the factories. The class itself learn from its own experience. Occupations today become centres of widespread mass meetings and assemblies where they discuss and decide of their struggle.
International solidarity. The youth and workers in Greece, through their leaflets and internet were calling for international actions. Migrant workers in Britain solidarize with their British brothers/sisters while the latter support also the demands of the former. Slowly, the masses themselves saw the need for international unity if they want to be victorious against the attacks of capital.
Increasing role of mass meetings and assemblies in decision-making and decreasing influence or more difficulties of the unions to control the class struggle.
Role of the union: sabotage the struggle
The struggles are advancing today in world scale not because of unionism or leadership of the Left but despite of it. The proletarian struggles in Europe since last year have a tendency to resist and defy the directives of the unions that "lead" them or asserting the decisions of mass meetings and assemblies.
The recent sabotage of the union happened in Visteon when the former stopped the occupation of the workers so that the Ford bosses negotiate with it. The result: a proposal not favourable to the workers. Workers recognized it an "insult" to them.
In the Philippines there is also a similar incident of union sabotaged in the past months: union declared "victory" and the Left made it a "model" the defeat of the workers of Giardini del Sole in Cebu. In the first day of the strike workers defended their jobs against the redundancy of their boss. The strike ended in a "victorious" negotiation between the union and the boss: laying-off of almost 200 workers!
If there is victory that should be learned in the struggle of Giardini del Sole, it is their militant resistance by "defying" the laws of the state. The "illegal" strike of Giardini del Sole workers was a militant resistance against retrenchment and for preservation of jobs. In the "illegal" strike resides the true power of the workers in times of deepening crisis of the system. Workers were defeated because they were isolated not for their "illegal" strike. They were not able to convince other factories since first of all, it was not the objective of the union and the Left party that "leads" them. The unions where they put their hope and depend on follow the anti-working class laws of the state and have no interest in launching solidarity struggles or struggle in their "own" factories. They were defeated because the decision-making in their struggle was controlled by the union and the Left party and not in their own hands. Finally. the "sympathy" of other factories was not transform into solidarity actions.
Generally, the objective of the union is negotiation with the bosses based on the "capacity" of the latter for the preservation of the national economy. Thus the "pro-worker" line of the unions is "defend national economy" against its rivals.
Proletarian struggle advances against capitalist crisis firstly, the class tried to control the struggle in its own hands despite the union's control and secondly, it defies the anti-working class laws of the state. The more militant and more effective struggles of the international proletariat since 1970s happened outside the control and leadership of the union and "defied" state's laws. Filipino workers are rich on this experience at the time of Marcos dictatorship.
Filipino workers especially the advance elements must know, study and discuss the lessons of the struggles of our class brothers/sisters in other countries particularly in Europe since Filipino workers are part of the international class and the struggles of the former are part of the international struggles of the proletariat against its common enemy - all factions of the capitalist class and their states. In relation to this, revolutionary minorities in the Philippines must expose the distortions of the Left and unions of the lessons of the struggles in the current crisis and the analysis why there is a crisis.
The state will not and cannot save us
The ruling class tells us that the current crisis is the consequence of the greediness of the bankers and speculators for profits. "Economic experts" say it came from "wrong management" on world finance. The Left also, despite its lip-service that the crisis is "crisis of capitalism" defend the system by declaring that "the state must strengthen its intervention and control of the economy and social life".
The crisis today is not the crisis of "globalization" or "neo-liberalism" but the crisis of the system itself accumulated for 40 years. It did not begin in 1980s or 1990s but in 1960s. The current crisis is a proof that state capitalism did not resolve the crisis of over-production exploded 40 years ago. It is an accumulated convulsions for four decades since the permanent saturation of world market. Since 1914 there is no new markets as capitalism completely conquer the world. The dying system is able to breathe by intensifying the exploitation of the existing markets, creating artificial ones through credit and maximization of the labour-power of the mass of workers.
This May Day, the Left drums-up the "anti-globalization" line in which it affirms that "globalization policies" are the causes of crisis (ie, liberalization, deregulation and privatization). This is in essence of their "crisis of capitalism". It only means for pro-capitalist demand of "bring back state control and regulation" of economy. Basically, the "anti-globalization" line has nothing uncommon with what actually the imperialist powers are doing today to "save" the decomposing system - "neo-Keynesianism". The only difference is the language used: For the Right: state capitalism for the "whole people". For the Left: for the "working class" or "exploited people".
There is no more glaring clarity with the similarities of the Right and Left of the bourgeoisie as far as state capitalism is concern than the declaration of Hugo Chavez, the current president of Venezuela and promoter of "21st century socialism" and idol of many Left currents around the world as "new model" of "socialist construction". This is what the "socialist" and "anti-imperialist" Chavez said on George Bush Jr in saving the crisis of American capitalism last year:
"Comrade Bush is about to introduce measures associated with comrade Lenin. The United States will become socialist one day, because its people aren't suicidal".
The "21st century socialism" of Chavez has nothing dissimilar with the Stalinist state capitalism. For Chavez: State interventions of the economy are steps for "socialist construction".
The advance section of the Philippine labour movement must end and reject this bourgeois line disguising itself as "Marxist". The state is not the instrument to achieve socialism. On the contrary: the state must be smashed to create a society without exploitation. The explanation of Engels is very clear in his ‘Anti-Duhring" of what is the nature of the state as long as capitalism reins the whole planet:
"And the modern state, too, is the only organisation with which bourgeois society provides itself in order to maintain the general external conditions of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments either by the workers or by individual capitalists. The modern state, whatever its form, is an essentially capitalist machine; it is the state of the capitalists, the ideal collective body of all capitalists. The more productive forces it takes over as its property, the more it become the real collective body of all the capitalists, the more citizens it exploits. The workers remain wage-earners, proletarians. The capitalist relationship is not abolished; it is rather pushed to an extreme." (emphasis ours)
The crisis today is the crisis of over-production. It becomes permanent in decadent capitalism and cannot be resolve except by destroying the system. When the crisis exploded in 1960s, the "solution" of the bourgeoisie is state intervention and control (ie Keynesianism and Stalinist totalitarianism) both of the imperialist Bloc of the West (led by USA) and imperialist Bloc of the East (led by USSR)1. This sank the states into credits and brought intense systemic convulsions in 1970s and 1980s. State regulation and control in 1970s and 1980s did not bring recovery of the crisis of the 1960s but worsening crisis of over-production.
In 1980s, the bourgeoisie changed its "strategy": "Thatcherism" and "Reaganomics", the basis of "globalization" in 1990s. This was in recognition the futility of Keynesianism and succeeded by "neo-liberalism". While the Eastern Bloc was collapsing (imperial USSR disappeared in 1990s) because of its continuing adherence to Stalinist totalitarianism.
Was the change of strategy of the bourgeoisie really loosens state's control of the economy and handed it over to the private capitalists? Anti-globalization forces answer this in affirmative. This lie only exposes them that they have no interest in smashing the state but to strengthen state capitalism in the name of "socialism" or "anti-capitalism".
"Neo-liberalism" did not come from the initiative of private companies or push by market laws. This policy was jostled by the states to try save themselves from foundering and prevent the worsening inflation. State's control of the economy did not loosen or disappear. Instead its grip is getting tighter. For more than 100 years, the role of the state and its intervention on social life are continually increasing since it is the only hope of the ruling class to prevent the system from disintegrating. State capitalism whatever its forms is the only kind of rule since the system entered its decadent stage at the beginning of 20th century.
Keynesianism, "neo-Keynesianism", Stalinist totalitarianism or "neo-liberalism", these are forms of state capitalism. It means, the state is not the saviour of the working class. It will not save and it cannot save the proletariat and other exploited sectors of society because its only role is to defend the decomposing capitalism. In state capitalism, it maximizes its exploitation of the mass of proletarians to maximize surplus-labour for competition in an increasingly saturated market. This is the role of the state, whether the Left named it a "workers' state", "socialist state" or "people's government".
If in 19th century, in ascendant capitalism (epoch of free enterprise) the state's role is like a "referee" in "harmonizing" the inevitable social antagonisms, in the beginning of 20th century, it openly intervenes and control the social life struck by worsening crisis and convulsions of its internal contradictions.
For 40 years the state is inept in saving capitalism's crisis. The only hope of the ruling class is increasingly losing manoeuvres to prevent the continued decline of the system.
The state has no effective solution to the crisis of its system
The "effective solution" the bourgeoisie boasts about is nothing but the futile solution since 1960s - credit. Since 1980s credits made into speculative credit for high interest. At the beginning, it accumulate high profits but should be disposed immediately if there's opportunity because sooner it cannot be paid. At first, these credits were like "shining stars" in the market where bankers, speculators and governments are competing. But these were rapidly transform into contagious disease that every investor desperately evading. And it happened: credit triggers unprecedented implosion of the rotten system in 2007.
"Bailouts" and "stimulus package" of the states are additional credits to badly prevent the continued decline of the system. Credit shouldered and paid by the miserable population. Credit is not the solution of the saturation of the market and crisis of over-production. On the contrary: it worsens the crisis of over-production which is the root-cause of the current deepest crisis of capitalism.
The Left that previously calling for "regulation" and "control" by the state in the market and economy in "anti-globalization movement" before the implosion of the crisis in 2007 has the same line today: the state should save the workers ("bailout the workers"), the state should help the proletariat to "own and manage" the bankrupt companies ("workers' control") and the state should directly own the basic industries and enterprises ("nationalization"). Different languages, same meaning: alter the "anti-worker" state capitalism by "nationalist" or "socialist" state capitalism. And since next year is elections, the line that the state should save the proletariat will be used to make the mass of exploited participate in bourgeois elections and bound the class in a front always favourable to exploiting classes - the parliament.
It is also an illusion the demand of cancellation by the states of the "First World" the debts of the "Third World". Or in other words, the powerful states should declare all the debts of the world cancelled! These people do not really know the role of credit in the period where the system is in permanent crisis: only credit makes industry and commerce continues to operate. This is the only one that gives breathe to the rotten system and even the state itself.
Smash the state: solution to the capitalist's crisis
Wage system is the root-cause of the crisis of over-production. Because of wage slavery, the proletariat cannot consume (buy) all the products they created. In capitalism wage is only a small part of the total value created by labour-power. From surplus-value or value without pay comes the profit of the capitalist class. In 19th century the crisis of over-production had been resolved through looking for new markets (colonization of non-capitalist societies). When capitalism completely dominated the world and the market already saturated at the beginning of 20th century, the crisis of over-production becomes permanent. The state, whatever its name the Left want to call it, is the defender of wage system.
Unions and parties of the Left are against the working class to destroy capitalist state and establish socialism. The alibi of the Left: "minimum" or "transitional" program should first be accomplished before the communist program be realized through the "two-stage revolution" of the Maoists, "continuing revolution" of the "Leninists" or "permanent revolution" of the Trotskyists. Whereas the non-internationalist anarchists are muzzy of their "local autonomy" and "self-management".
The intensity and deepness of the current crisis is a confirmation that for more than 100 years capitalist system is objectively ripe to be overthrown. The crisis today and its chronic effects into living conditions of toiling masses teach the class what is the exact solution to end the crisis of the system: there is no future the system and state can offer to humanity other than more misery, chaos and destruction of the environment. Capitalism and all factions of the bourgeoisie are completely reactionary. The current crisis and the more intensified crises in the future teach and will teach the class that it is possible and necessary to overthrow the system and the state that defends it.
For the communists in the Philippines and searching elements looking for alternative in the current crisis, May Day this year is important. The lessons of the international struggle that the Filipino proletariat should acquire must be firmly upheld for the next struggles to come. The class should prepare for fights they can control and not the unions and the Right or Left. If this will not manifests in widespread strikes and militant actions in the streets, this could manifests in workers' groups discussing their condition and how to resist capital's attacks. Groups that should not end up in unionism but in forming mass meetings and assemblies for generalized solidarity and struggle.
The solution to the crisis is in the hands of the international proletariat, the class that has the historic mission to create a society where there is no wage slavery, no classes, no exploitation and no crisis of over-production - the world communist society. #
1 This does not mean that Keynesianism and Stalinist totalitarianism only begun in 1960s. These were already implemented by the international bourgeoisie in 1930s in the time of the world crisis of decadent capitalism in 1929.
1. The Right faction of the Filipino bourgeoisie led by the Arroyo regime is trying very hard to hide the real state of the crisis by saying that the Philippine economy is "not gravely" affected by the deepening world crisis of capitalism because the economic fundamentals are "still sound".
This distorted argument is ridiculous and irritating. It misrepresents the truth behind world capitalist crisis and the complete integration of the national economy to the world economy. The purpose of the ruling faction's analysis is to protect its power and domination against its rivals who want to oust the former.
That's why at the time of unprecedented oil and rice price increases, the reasoning of the Arroyo faction and its "experts" is that there is nothing we can do to prevent the rising prices because it is a "world phenomenon that national government cannot control". In other words, national governments are useless because it is a world problem where national economies are integrated.
With this line also, recently, the state claims to act as "defender" of the people when it argues that the lowering of oil prices by big oil monopolies is "not enough" compared to the lowering of world prices. It seems that there is a "tactical alliance" between the Right and Left in this matter.
But when a new world crisis exploded this September triggered by events in the most powerful imperialist country in the world, USA, immediately the government changed its tune, pretending that "the national economy is not integrated to the world economy" but "independent". The "crisis is in the USA and Europe only". The economic "experts" of Arroyo instantaneously erased the argument that the economy is integrated into world capitalism.
The Arroyo faction of the ruling class has put forward two blatant untruths: (1) The OFW[1] situation is still stable which is one of the state's major source of income, (2) the country's exports are not dependent on America.
No matter how hard the regime tries to hide reality, it is obvious that it is worried and alarmed with the situation of the economy because of the renewed crisis of world capitalism.
2. If the arguments and analysis of the Right on the crisis and its solution are so interweave, the same is true of the Left spearheaded by the Maoist CPP-NPA-NDF.[2]
According to the Left, the crisis exploded because the state "tolerates" the private capitalists in accumulating profits and exploiting the workers especially in the field of speculation. Thus, crisis is a product of state deregulation and decontrol of the economy. This is the core of the anti-globalization line of Leftism.
This Leftist analysis and solution to the crisis is similar to that of the Right: "the economy will not be gravely affected and the effects if any can be easily surpassed, if the state prioritizes the defence of its own national economy against its rivals". In other words, if there is state regulation and control.
Even though the different Leftist groups differ in their radical language in studying the crisis, they have common conclusion and solution: strengthen state control of social life.
3. Philippine economy like other countries is fully integrated to the world economy. In the epoch of imperialism there is no independent national economy. Most of all, there is no fair competition in the era of decadent capitalism. This is the truth "revolutionary" organizations and parties in the Philippines trying to hide so as to continue spreading illusions to the mass of workers that the Philippines can be liberated from the clutches of imperialism under a so-called "people's government" or "workers' government"[3] despite the fact that capitalism still reigns over the world.
4. Since there is no real solution to capitalism's crisis of over-production, all countries (including the Philippines and not only the advanced capitalist countries like the USA) are competing to increase their exports[4] and decrease their imports. But the crisis of over-production, saturation of the world market and sharpening of competition between national capitals push the capitalists to find cheaper labour-power inside and outside of their countries.
It's not only cheapening of products but also labour-power the result of the crisis of over-production. It also resulted in the development of world-wide manufacturing supply chains. The world is like a big factory where the assembly departments are the countries with cheap labour.
5. The backwardness of the country since world capitalism does not have the capacity anymore to develop the late-comers is the glaring example of this situation.
a. The Philippines became an exporter because of its cheap labour. Unfortunately for the ruling class, it is not only the Philippines which aims to be a big exporter. In fact, China and Vietnam surpass the Philippines in cheaper labour-power.
While electronics and computer chips are one of the major exports of the country, they are not its main export. Labour-power is its main export. In fact, aside from debt, the remittances of more than 9 million OFWs are one of its main sources of income. But it's not only the Philippines which has this kind of condition. Many countries in the Third World like Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and some African countries are dependent in the export of labour-power.
b. On the other hand, Philippines is an importer of finished products. Even rice is now imported whereas in the 1970s the country was the main rice exporting country. This is only a manifestation of the backwardness of Philippine capitalism. However, both the Right and Left are daydreaming that capitalism in the country can still be developed. The Arroyo regime is in delirium when it declared that Philippines will be as industrialized as the First World in 2020. Or the illusion of the CPP-NPA-NDF that the country can be industrialized after the victory of its "protracted people's war".
6. It is a big lie what the economic "experts" of the Arroyo regime keep on saying that the economy is "not gravely affected" and it is still in "sound condition" despite the world capitalist crisis. Since the country is mainly dependent on exports to the advanced capitalist countries, when the economy of the latter declines, so does the former. This is the natural outcome of the integration of the national economies to the world economy that is already in permanent crisis.
But the truth is nobody believes in the propaganda of the government. The effects of the crisis have already been felt by the mass of Filipino workers: retrenchments,[5] rotation of work, temporary shutdown, and most of all the return of thousands of OFWs retrenched because of the crisis. Even the bourgeois media cannot hide this.[6]
7. The "sound" economy of the country is dependent on the unpayable debt[7]. Its economy depends on debt and taxes from the toiling masses. In other words, the "sound" economy of Philippine capitalism is founded on the misery of the population.
The big problem now is it cannot easily acquire debts and as big as before to the international lending banks and institutions since the latter are in deep crisis. Aside from the fact that the banks are the first to suffer from the current crisis, rich countries will prioritize to save their own national capitals[8]. Secondly, if the exports of the country decline especially with the imminent return of hundreds of thousands of OFWs, the only source of income of the capitalist state will be the taxes from the poor population.
If the strong storms of the world crisis reach the country next year, it has no capacity to bailout the bankrupt banks and companies. The truth is: Philippine economy is weak and depends on the declining world economy. If the world economy continues to go down in years to come, particularly China, Japan, USA[9] and if the storms of the crisis reach the Middle East where a big portion of OFWs work, certainly the country's economy will be ruined.
8. If we ask the Right and Left of the capitalist class, it does.
a. The state should tighten its control to the economy[10]. The Left is calling for direct state control and regulation and "veering away" from the control of powerful imperialist countries particularly America. It means protectionism and nationalism.
The line of the Right is to implement cheaper labour-power compared to its rival national economies in the Third World so as to attract foreign investors. In relation to this, it aims to attract the countries in Europe, China, and Japan to invest capital in the country. This is only an indication that the Filipino bourgeoisie is ready to abandon being an American puppet if it can find someone fit to be its new master. However, strengthening the state is still the way of the Right.
The more persistent renewed "charter change" proposals (known as "cha-cha" in the Philippines) of the Arroyo regime centres on changing the provisions of the 1987 Constitution to attract more foreign capitalists than its rivals which are also trying to get more foreign investment.
b. Capitalist class can convince the Filipino workers to suffer more sacrifices so that the economy could "recover". It means lower wages in exchange for "regular" work, submitting to rotation work and reduction of working hours or to massive retrenchment and acceptance to more taxes imposed by the state.
c. Renewed world war to re-divide the world.
Letter (c) which is the most effective solution for the exploiters in their crisis will not happen in near future because the working class is not ready to sacrifice itself for war as what happened in World War I and World War II. But, the localized and national wars happening around the globe are as horrific and damaging where millions of people died or lost their homes. Most of all, if another world war will happen the planet might be destroyed.
Letter (a) is not the solution to the crisis of over-production. Instead, it makes the situation worst. In 1930s until 1970s this was the main policy of the states around the world: protectionism and regulation by the state. The result: states have been drowned in debt to save the government-owned bankrupt companies. There is a crisis of over-production because there are no new markets where finished products can be sold and because of the nature itself of capitalism - anarchy of production - pushed by the intense competition whether the economy and industries are directly controlled by the state or not.
Moreover, independent nation-state is impossible under imperialism. Imperialism is a world system of capitalism where it is in its historical decline. This is not only a policy of few powerful countries but all countries including the Philippines. The liberation of the Philippines from imperialist America means entering "fraternal" relations to other powerful capitalist countries which are "enemies" of the USA.
There are two contradictions in the nature of decadent capitalism that causes the crisis of over-production:
-- Workers can only receive wages if they can produce surplus values or values more than their salaries. It means that they cannot buy all the products they produce and nor can the capitalist class itself. Capitalists need to sell their products to non-proletarian and non-capitalist sectors of society like the peasantry and petty-bourgeoisie that can be found in pre-capitalist societies. Thus, in 19th century where capitalism did not yet completely dominate the world it could still find real new markets which was the main reason why it has still the capacity to give beneficial reforms to calm down the class struggles.
However, since 1914 the whole world was completely ruled by capitalist relations and capitalism itself destroyed the peasant and petty-bourgeois classes. It transformed them into wage-labourers. Since the 20th century the crisis of over-production becomes permanent.
-- Since competition among national capitals continues to sharpen in the period of decadent capitalism, every country is competing to each other to have cheaper labour. This only aggravates the conditions that the workers cannot buy even their basic necessities to live. The crisis of over-production gets worst.
Since 1970s, after the explosion of capitalism's crisis in the late 60s, world capital created an artificial market in order for its products to be sold. This artificial market is credit to the Third World countries. Since then, world economy continues to "progress" because of credits and debts. The "solution" for the last 40 years becomes a monster today which is the main factor that triggered the renewed and deeper crisis of world capitalism.
Leftists are deceiving the workers in their propaganda that capitalism and its states have still the capacity to raise the real wages of the proletariat in the imperialist era. The truth is, it is now a basic requisite for capitalism to lower the wages of the workers in order for the system to live. The "economic relief" campaigns of the Left derailed the development of class consciousness to overthrow the state and the system. These campaigns only defend and help the capitalist state to survive. For the Left, the sycophancy of Malacanang and parliament for "economic relief" is a "victory" for the mass movement while in midst of their gala they will tell the Filipino proletariat that "this is not enough, we should continue our fight for reforms". The Left's chaining of the struggling workers to reformist activities is the latter's ultimate defeat.
The bail-out of USA and other imperialist countries to their banks and companies is only to try to regain the trust and confidence of the toiling masses and even individual capitalists to the system itself by artificially reviving the speculation and credit and not to give solution to the crisis of over-production. This imperialist objective will rapidly ruin because the exploited masses itself will be the one to suffer the burden of this bailout (paying the debt of the state and more taxes).
The Left also is creating an illusion that the capitalist state should bail-out the indebted workers instead of the banks and companies. By its nature as the protector of the ruling class it is impossible that the state will help the working class. The goal of the bail-out is to save capitalism and not the workers. This call of the Left is blatantly reformist and counter-revolutionary. Most of all, the rotten system has no capacity to give lasting benefits to the working people. In fact, many of the gains in 19th century have been taken back today by the ruling class.
Despite the differences of the Right and Left whom to bailout with, they are united in doing all they can to bring back the trust and confidence of the exploited people to the exploitative system!
If letter (b) were to dominate completely it would not bring any solution to the crisis but only grave misery for the demoralized and fragmented Filipino workers. This would be a manifestation of the complete domination of bourgeois ideology over the proletariat - "every man for himself" and "one against all". It happened in the 1930s Great Depression after the defeat of first revolutionary wave and the domination of Stalinism in the "international communist movement". With the demoralization and fragmentation of the international proletariat the bourgeoisie launched World War II.
9. The bourgeoisie has no solution to its own crisis other than renewed world war and this might be the end of civilization. More so, it is not a solution for the bourgeoisie and government to help the Filipino workers because it is tantamount to killing itself.
10. According to historical materialism, politics depends on and reflects economics though the former has a dialectical influence on the latter. If there is an economic crisis there is also a political crisis. If the state can hide the economic crisis through illusions and distortion of data, it cannot be hidden in political crisis.
11. Conflicts between rival factions within the ruling class sharpen day by day not only within the ruling faction but also within the opposition. Currently, these are clearly seen in the conflicts between the presidentiables within the opposition in the Senate: conflicts between Manuel Villar, Panfilo Lacson, Loren Lengarda and Manuel Roxas. The unending manoeuvres to oust Gloria are clear manifestations of this. All stingy issues have been thrown out in public between the administration and opposition using the media and institutions like the parliament. The Church, one of the most reactionary and conservative institution in society is trying to wrest influence within the people especially the middle class and peasants by actively involving itself in political issues. Currently the Church aligns itself to the bourgeois opposition. Its objective is to prevent the toiling masses from advancing their struggles.
The charter change agenda of the administration is not primarily to extend the term of Gloria[11] beyond 2010 but to strengthen the state to save the economy. This is what the bourgeois opposition trying to hide when it says that the objective of cha-cha is for the political ambition of Gloria to stay in Malacanang beyond 2010.
The opposition obscure the real aim of charter change because it is not a problem for them if the constitution be change to continue exploiting the masses. Whether the current or new constitution, they are both unimportant for the proletariat because it is a bourgeois constitution whoever in power. Gloria itself, pro-Gloria or anti-Gloria personalities who will sit as president in 2010 there will be no change in the exploitative and miserable conditions of the Filipino working class.
The pro-charter change or anti-charter change movements are not a fight for the Filipino proletariat to advance and develop its own movement. Independent working class movement can only develop based on class issues against the state and all factions of the ruling class.
These squabbles only go to show that parliament is useless and that power is in the executive and not in the parliament. This is the characteristic of the state in decadent capitalism.
The connivance of the different factions of the ruling class - Right and Left, administration and opposition -- has been exposed in their infightings: to strengthen the illusion that bourgeois elections and parliament are still valuable for the "defence" and "to advance" the interests of the exploited classes. For sure, next year all the protest actions of the Left and the "projects for services" of the administration will be used for the elections in 2010. This last quarter of the year only, banners and flags of the Left bearing the name of their party-lists were seen in their mass actions in order to project their political parties and since last year most of the aspiring candidates were busy appearing in televisions and in radios with their different kinds of advertisements and "public service".
With the deepening of the systemic crisis, inter-factional infightings already manifest in armed confrontations not only between the AFP and NPA, AFP and MILF[12], but also within the armed forces of the state itself - AFP and military rebels.
If the infightings within the administration and bourgeois opposition sharpens, so as within the Left of capital. The different factions of CPP-NPA-NDF, PMP, MLPP, RPA-ABB, BISIG-AKBAYAN-APL[13], and others continue their squabbles and competing among each other to convince the Filipino masses that this or that group is the "genuine" revolutionary and progressive despite the fact that all of them are engage in different "tactical alliances" within themselves together with the "bourgeois opposition".[14] However, their squabbles went far in armed confrontations and assassinations of their leaders[15].
In addition, even the Left ideologies have been part of their competition: the Maoist CPP is accused as revisionist by some Filipino Maoists who adhere to Maoism-Thirdworldism as the acme of absurdity of Maoism while MLPP is now in the process of "reflection" if it will continue to affirm Maoism as its ideology. Trotskyism is also torn by competition between its different grouplets like the RGK (Revolutionary Communist Group) against the bigger gangster group, the RPA-ABB.
"Marxism-Leninism" is also in disarray because of the squabbles between two pro-Lagman[16] factions inside the PMP. For months now PM and Sanlakas/BMP[17] launched different mobilizations. It all started after the defeat of PM in the election last year.
All of these are manifestations of the sharpening and deepening crisis of a rotten system that they are protecting. Decadent capitalism is in its last phase - phase of decomposition.
The different grouplets of the anarchist movement in the Philippines have centred in organizing the unemployed and declassed youth who hate all kinds of authority. They have nothing better to propose than vegetarianism, partial struggles and vandalism. Individualism and autonomous small groupings are their main ideology.
As of now, for the Filipino bourgeoisie, the Left is more effective as an opposition in sowing illusions among the Filipino workers than it is in power. Let us see next year or in 2010 elections if the class enemy will be united to put the Left in Malacanang as what they did in Latin America.
12. Multi-sectoral or inter-classist movements still thrive in 2008 where workers participate as individuals and disappeared in the sand as "people". Still, independent workers movement is nowhere to be found. There are no big strikes against capital. Only a few strikes led by the unions in factory level occur where their main objectives is for collective bargaining negotiations or union recognition. Many of these strikes resulted in defeats.
13. However, worker-initiated meetings and discussion at the factory level proliferate express discontent and rage against the abuses and exploitation of the bosses. Many of these started from 3-10 workers until they reached 20 or more although they still a minority of the total workforce in the factory. They search for answers and immediate solutions to their problems. Since the influence and mystifications of unionism are still strong, many of these groups voluntarily went to the unions of the Left and encouraged by their Federations and electoral parties they ended in forming unions and struggles for union recognition. Others of these groups directly went to NLRC[18] to file cases against their employers.
In some factories, workers organized themselves and directly fight against the abuses of their bosses or supervisors in which there is no influence whatsoever of unionism or organizations from the Left. These happened late this year in some factories in MEPZA[19] in Cebu and maybe there are similar cases in other parts of the country but not yet projected in the bourgeois media or immediately transformed by the Right and Left in forming unions.
14. Generally, the influence of unionism among the discontented workers is still strong because most of the capitalists (who have 500 workers and below) oppose the formation of unions even though this "right" is stipulated in the capitalist Constitution. Most of the small and medium capitalists have petty-bourgeois mentality. They don't want to have a partner (union) in controlling and suppressing their workers because they will be obliged to give short-term concessions through collective bargaining in order to imprison the latter in unionism. Unlike in big companies employing 500 workers and more where the bosses need the services of the unions to manage and discipline their workers. However, big export companies located in export processing zones in connivance with the state are firm with their no union, no strike policy not because they don't want unions but because they don't want strikes. Most of all, this policy is also to attract foreign capitalists in the export processing zones by bragging about an absolute "industrial peace".
For almost 100 years of the domination of the ideologies of the Left in the Philippines - Stalinism, Maoism, "Marxism-Leninism" and unionism -- the independent working class movement has not strengthened. On the contrary, it suffered widespread weakening and demoralization.
15. However, there is light at the end of the tunnel for the Filipino working class. First, the emergence of the self-organized discussions of the workers in the factories sows the seeds from which they can start collectively analysing and comprehending their real situation. Secondly, their own experience of unionism will teach and push them to act outside and against the unions. Thirdly, as part of the international class, the advancement of workers' struggles in other countries especially those outside the unions have influence on the consciousness of the Filipino workers.
There is a fundamental difference between the class struggle today in the midst of the acute crisis of capitalism since 1960s compared to 1930s. The crisis in 1930s exploded after the defeat of the international working class movement while the crisis today exploded at the time of the resurgence of international resistance since 2003. The response of the international class on the world crisis that began in September-October in USA is militant and collective resistance in many parts of the globe[20].
16. As the crisis of world capitalism goes deeper next year, the attacks of the state on the workers will further intensify - retrenchments, rotation of work, reduction of working hours, closures, more taxes, etc. Real wages of the workers will further decrease and their miseries will increase.
The primary indication of grave crisis is the increase of the unemployed. Currently, more than 4.1 million unemployed and 6.8 million underemployed. Certainly this will increase next year. First to suffer are the export industries and services like electronics which is 67% of exports, textiles and clothing which is 5% and furniture and woodcraft which were 2% in 2007. Not included here are is business process outsourcing (BPO) which has 320,000 workers. The manufacturing sector already retrenched 125,000 workers in 2007.
There is strong possibility that the government bailouts of First World banks will fail and that the crisis will spread out to manufacturing industry (as is already happening); banks in the Philippines will then have a big problems just like their counter-parts in the advanced countries.[21]
17. On the other hand, the main focus now of the Right and Left is preparation for electoral circus in 2010. Mud-slinging between administration and opposition, campaigns aimed at convincing the people to vote to express their hatred of the ruling faction, and strengthening the mystifications of bourgeois democracy and elections will further intensify. Protest movements of the Left will be geared toward elections and projection of their electoral parties. Although preparing for elections, it is expected that the intra-factional conflicts within the ruling class will further intensify and sharpen the possibility of armed confrontation before and after the elections.
18. Both the Right and Left intensify the call for national unity and not class unity; calls for the defence of democracy and national interests to divert the struggles of the workers away from the road towards overthrowing the state and the system. They would compete each other to get the support of the patriotic capitalists to defend national capitalism. The role of the electoral parties of the Right and Left, unions, Church and media is decisive in convincing the proletariat to the mystifications of elections and disappear as a class in inter-classist movements.
19. Although further weakened because of the failures and arrests of their leaders, the groups of military rebels are not completely annihilated. They are still secretly supported and financed by the anti-Arroyo factions. It is not a remote possibility that they will be used by the opposition before and after the 2010 elections especially if the latter were to be defeated through fraud and cheating by the ruling faction.
20. The very small numbers of communists in the Philippines have a heavy responsibility as a factor for the Filipino proletariat to organize itself in times of struggles. Maybe it will take years before the Filipino proletariat develops its class consciousness. But this will be accelerated by the deepening crisis of world capital and the rapidity of the process in which the Left and unions have been exposed as an appendage of their mortal enemy.
The central task of the Filipino communists is to be an active factor for the extension of class struggle to prevent the attacks of the capitalist class. In the struggle of the class itself lie the conditions for class self-organization and the development of class consciousness not in unionism, parliamentarism / electoralism or guerrilla-ism.
21. But there can be no illusion that in the near future the majority of the Filipino proletariat will listen to the calls of revolutionaries based on internationalism and independent working class movement. Only the few but increasing searching elements in the Philippines for theoretical clarification for genuine social change will listen today to the revolutionary minorities.
In the current balance of forces in the Philippines between the bourgeoisie and proletariat, between the revolution and counter-revolution, it is already a big victory for the Filipino communists that increasing numbers of elements are seriously discussing about Marxism and critically analysing the politics and ideologies of the different groups of the Left especially on the questions of nationalism, national self-determination and unionism.
Ultimately, the advancement of the workers' movement will be determined not by the particular part of the class based on national level but the proletarian movement at the international level in which there is a strong possibility to advance next year. Workers' movement is an international movement. The movement for socialism is a world-wide movement. And the advancement of the international proletarian struggles will be an inspiration and impetus for the Filipino proletariat (as a part of this international movement) to direct their struggles in their own hands - outside the unions and mystifications of nationalism.
INTERNASYONALISMO
December 2008
[1] Overseas Filipino Workers
[2] CPP-NPA-NDF - the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines-New People's Army-National Democratic Front
[3] The Left is not against state capitalism. For them, changing the name of the state into "people's state" or "workers' state" is "socialism" or "progressive" system. For the Leftists, a government or country controlled by a "communist party" in alliance with the "progressive" patriotic capitalists is an "anti-capitalist" state or country. The Left blatantly distorted the Marxist analysis that the state must be destroyed to overthrow capitalism and achieve communism.
[4] Import-export of the Philippines doubled compared to 1980s. Foreign direct investment (FDI) also increases by 15%-18% o US$19.0 billion in 2007. One of the biggest export of the country - labour force or OFWs - gave US$14.5 billion remittances last year or 10% of the GDP.
[5] i.e. layoffs
[6] It is already in newspapers that thousands of OFWs became jobless in which the latest are the more than 1,000 OFWs in Taiwan. As expected, as Gloria Arroyo admitted it, she also lied that it is only a "trickle" of the over-all OFWs to calm down the populace and trying to maintain confidence in her rule. George Bush Jr also acted like her few weeks before the crisis in America exploded last September.
[7] Country's debt is already P3.798 trillion last year (1$US = 48 Philippines Pesos). The payable interest of the state is P1.165 billion per minute. Thus, what the government did is to have credits to pay the debts! It means that every Filipino is currently has a debt of P42,637.88 and it still getting bigger.
[8] That's why GMA was embarrassed when she told the media that billions of dollars from the IMF-WB has been readied to bail-out the Asian economies when the latter itself denied it in public. In fact, the official development assistance for the Philippines decreased by 30% o US$9.2 billion in 2007 from US$13.2 billion in 2001.
[9] Japan and USA already officially declared in recession. USA hides its recession since December 2007 before ashamedly admitting it in public lately.
[10] State control is not new in the Philippines using the ideology of nationalism and protecting national interests. The regime of Carlos P. Garcia did it with its ‘Filipino First Policy' and the Marcos dictatorship with its ‘Revolution from the Above' and ‘New Society'.
[11] i.e. Gloria Arroyo, currently president of the Philippines. Malacanang is the presidential palace.
[12] AFP - Armed Forces of the Philippines
NPA - New People's Army, the armed wing of the Maoist CPP.
MILF - Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
[13] CPP-NPA-NDF - the Maoist Communist Party of the Philippines-New People's Army-National Democratic Front
PMP - the "Leninist" Filipino Workers' Party
MLPP - Marxist-Leninist Party of the Philippines, a split from CPP in late 90s
RPA-ABB - a Totskyist Revolutionary Proletarian Army-Alex Boncayao Brigade
BISIG - self-proclaimed Solidarity for the Development of Socialist Consciousness and Deeds
AKBAYAN - an electoral party of BISIG
APL - Alliance of Progressive Labor, labor arm of BISIG
[14] The expression "bourgeois opposition" is used in the Philippines to distinguish those openly bourgeois parties and fractions that oppose the government, from the so-called "revolutionary" or "working-class" opposition of the leftist groups and parties.
[15] The armed wings of CPP, RPA-ABB and MLPP are killing each other. The leaders of RPA-ABB and PMP were assassinated by CPP-NPA.
[16] The late Filemon Lagman was the founder of PMP.
[17] PM - Labor Party
BMP - Solidarity of Filipino Workers
Sanlakas - a bourgeois-democratic alliance under PMP.
[18] NLRC - National Labor Relations Commission
[19] MEPZA - Mactan Export Processing Zone
[20] ‘The working class is already responding to the capitalist crisis', World Revolution no. 320, www.internationalism.org [5]
[21] This is already felt by the small banks especially the rural banks. This December, almost 10 rural banks declared bank holidays or in other words, bankruptcies.
Introduction:
We are publishing here an article of one of our contacts about his opinion on bourgeois elections[1]. Generally, the comrade is trying to comprehend how to analyze bourgeois democracy from a Marxist viewpoint. Although he does not categorically said that revolutionaries must not participate in bourgeois elections, his article clearly emphasize the futility and blatant reformism of such participation.
The comrade clearly refuted the reformist view of the Leftists in controlling the capitalist state through the "power of numbers" or what the "Leninists" said in the Philippines a "labor vote". As the comrade said below:
"Still, the proletariat can dominate the bourgeois parliament mathematically speaking. Can the proletariat use the bourgeois parliament for its immediate concerns (concerns less than its class-emancipation)? If the proletariat organize itself to deal over such concerns, there is a real danger that it will lose its proletarian character and become a part of the state apparatus whose role is to mend the wounds of class antagonism thus becoming a negative hindrance for the class emancipation of the proletarian."
The comrade shows clarity on what the task at hand on the working class:
"...The proletariat, being the revolutionary class, should not bother to dominate, even if it can, the bourgeois parliament, which it cannot use anyway. Its historical task is not the domination of the bourgeois parliament but smashing of the bourgeois state, along with its apparatus and mechanisms, towards the establishment of a classless society."
However, let we add something for further clarification on the question of the maturation of the class by supporting bourgeois democracy. The comrade quoted Engels on this.
This quote from Engels should be put on the proper context. Without understanding the historical context we cannot understand on what material conditions the proletariat supports bourgeois democracy - universal suffrage, unionism, etc.
In mid-1800s, Marxists supported and in the forefront in the struggle for universal suffrage. The first real workers' movement at that time - the Chartists - was advancing the struggle for universal suffrage, which means that the workers should have the "right to vote" and have representatives in bourgeois parliament.
At that time, capitalism was still advancing as a social system. Generally, the agenda was not yet the seizure of power by the proletariat but to wrest reforms from the system. Thus, participation in election was one of the fundamental class objectives. Thus Engels was right to insist that the struggle for universal suffrage was an advancement of the maturity of the class as an independent political force in society.
However, when capitalism entered its decadent stage in early 1900s, proletarian seizure of power is in the order of the day and bourgeois parliament became a complete tool of the bourgeois class that became completely reactionary.
In the era of imperialism, both parliament and unions are fully integrated in the state; and in the service of the state. Thus, they are no longer mechanisms for the further maturation of the proletariat as an independent class. On the contrary, they become hindrance for the advancement of proletarian revolutionary consciousness.
Fake Marxists today - the Leftists - always invoke the "tactics" of the Communists in 19th century without understanding or rejecting the implications of the decadence of capitalism to the form and content of proletarian struggles in our current epoch. The task of these Leftists in our epoch is to sabotage the class struggle and sow confusions within the working class movement.
We salute the comrade's process of theoretical clarification under an environment dominated by Rightist and Leftist ideologies.
Internasyonalismo, November 28, 2009
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On dealing about the election question, it would be wise to reformulate the question to a more specific question such as: Can the proletariat use the state apparatus and mechanisms to achieve the class emancipation of the proletariat and how should the advance element of the proletariat deal with the election question? I believe such formulation of question will better elucidate the confusions as to the course of action for the proletariat to achieve its class emancipation.
The words "state apparatus and mechanisms" must be seen on the context of the capitalist society i.e. bourgeois democracy. State apparatus refers to the institutions within the state whose function is the preservation of the state. In the case of state apparatus, we will consider for discussion the institution of parliament. State mechanisms refer to the processes established and actions allowed by the state for its citizens for its preservation. In the case of state mechanisms, we will consider for discussion the process of representation - election or universal suffrage.
On universal suffrage
On dealing with the viability of universal suffrage for the class emancipation of the proletariat let us go back to what Engels said about universal suffrage on his work "Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State":
"...But in the measure in which it matures towards its self-emancipation, in the same measure it constitutes itself as its own party and votes for its own representatives, not those of the capitalists. Universal suffrage is thus the gauge of the maturity of the working class. It cannot and never will be anything more in the modern state; but that is enough...."
On this passage, Engels clearly states that the universal suffrage is nothing more but a means to measure the proletariat's maturity towards its self-emancipation just as a thermometer is used to measure the heat of a substance, just as Engels has said:
"On the day when the thermometer of universal suffrage shows boiling-point among the workers, they as well as the capitalists will know where they stand."
On parliament
On dealing with the question of parliament in a bourgeois democracy, an interesting situation may occur. It is a fact that the bourgeois parliament is composed of elected individuals. To be elected one must have more number of votes than his/her rivals. Thus, the bourgeois parliament, as seen on this light, is about numbers. The more votes an individual receive, the better his/her chance of occupying a seat. Suppose (if not a fact) that the proletariat out-number the bourgeoisie. Mathematically-speaking, the proletariat can occupy the whole of the bourgeois parliament. This situation raises the question of whether the proletariat can use the bourgeois parliament to achieve its class emancipation.
This situation is reflection of what Engels said about representation:
"... As long as the oppressed class - in our case, therefore, the proletariat - is not yet ripe for its self-liberation, so long will it, in its majority, recognize the existing order of society as the only possible one and remain politically the tall of the capitalist class, its extreme left wing...."
However, the experience of the Communards taught as a valuable lesson:
"... One thing especially was proved by the Commune, viz., that 'the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery and wield it for its own purposes'...." (double quote by Marx, The Civil War in France; single quote by Lenin, The State and Revolution)
The Communards provided us a concrete proof that the proletariat cannot use the "ready-made state machinery" (i.e. the bourgeois parliament) for its class-emancipation.
Still, the proletariat can dominate the bourgeois parliament mathematically speaking. Can the proletariat use the bourgeois parliament for its immediate concerns (concerns less than its class-emancipation)? If the proletariat organize itself to deal over such concerns, there is a real danger that it will lose its proletarian character and become a part of the state apparatus whose role is to mend the wounds of class antagonism thus becoming a negative hindrance for the class emancipation of the proletarian.
Also, these immediate concerns of the proletariat are not at the mercy of the bourgeois parliament rather on the current economic order. If the current economic order cannot shoulder these immediate concerns, no amount of legislation from a bourgeois parliament can force it otherwise. The only way to meet these immediate concerns is for the bourgeois parliament to be replaced of a parliament that it can be of use for the proletariat.
However, this replacement of the bourgeois parliament cannot and will never be as a result of a change of individuals comprising it (domination of the bourgeois parliament by the proletariat). All of class struggle in human history is resolved neither by a simple change of heart nor a change of composition of the ruling class. It is resolved through an inevitable collision of power of the ruling class and the revolutionary class - a revolution. This inevitable collision is a result of antagonistic relationship of the ruling class and the revolutionary class. And when the material conditions necessary for the revolution have been met, any course of action that hinders the progress of revolution serves the interest of the ruling class.
Another important question is can the bourgeois parliament, in reality, be dominated by the proletariat. The proletariat, being the revolutionary class, should not bother to dominate, even if it can, the bourgeois parliament, which it cannot use anyway. Its historical task is not the domination of the bourgeois parliament but smashing of the bourgeois state, along with its apparatus and mechanisms, towards the establishment of a classless society.
Cris
[1] All bourgeois factions in the Philippines - Right and Left - are preparing for the May 2010 National Elections.
Internasyonalismo welcomes the leaflet of KASOKU or Youth for Socialism and Communism, a group of students in the Philippines on the issue of charter change.
This group of young people is beginning to search for theoretical clarification under an environment dominated by Leftist ideologies of all varieties. Comrades in the Philippines have some opportunity to discuss with some of its members.
In the leaflet of KASOKU, printed in full below, we can observe the seriousness in its effort to stand on the interest of the international proletariat and on marxism. However, there are some points that the group should clarify in order to make their point of view more coherent to marxist and internationalist principles.
Our comments on the group's text has the sole objective of contributing to the group's continued search and study of the theory and practice of marxism.
KASOKU article correctly pointed out that the objective of charter change since the regime of Fidel Ramos in 1992-98 is to "save the decaying system" in line with the illusion of the "economic experts" that "this would make the Philippines more competitive in the global market and as one way to resist the global economic crisis". KASOKU tried to put the political squabbles of the different factions of the Philippine ruling class within the context of the world situation in which the Philippine economy is completely integrated.
KASOKU also stresses that both the administration and opposition are enemies of the working class as it states that, "either 'foreign and local' bourgeoisie class are both enemy of Proletarians".
However, it is not clear or elaborated on the statement on the role of the state when KASOKU states "because on the implication of ChaCha, the Philippine government will liberalize the economy or 'open up' the country to foreign capital investments". "Liberalization" has been the practice of the Philippine ruling class since the time of Corazon Aquino in 1986-1992 under the "Reaganomics" and "Thatcherism". Leftists often use the term "liberalization" to assert their state capitalist ideology and put forward the lie that the states under "neo-liberalism" do not intervene or decrease its intervention in the economic life of society and "surrender" this task to private capitalists. Besides, this "liberalization" propaganda of the Leftists reinforce nationalist ideology within the proletariat in the peripheries.
While we agree with KASOKU's call for "a discussion about social issues, not only student related issue but issues that would concern the decaying capitalist system in the country and or even the whole world", which for us an effort to uphold internationalist position and the statement which assert that the proletariat is "the only class in the society have the strong potential to change and bury the dying capitalist system in the country and in the world", we think that this is in contradiction when they stress the role of the students and youth as "Be the light to guide the proletarian class. Be the strength to struggle for international unification. Be the flames to burn their alienation from the abuses of the capitalist class". With this line of thinking, it seems that KASOKU might be misunderstood that it is just paying lip service that in capitalism the only revolutionary class and has the historic mission to smash world capitalism and establish world communist society is the working class and unwittingly implied that the students and youth are the "guiding light" for proletarian revolution instead of the fundamental marxist position that the emancipation of the working class is in the hands of the workers themselves. Even if the youth and students are the new generation of the proletariat, they should not act outside and worst, above their class like savior.
We fully support their call for fraternal discussions, debates and theoretical clarification especially among the youth - the new generation of the working class. Through these, we can understand fully KASOKU's correct call at the end of their text: "Onwards to Independent International Proletarian Revolution!" not as an empty sloganeering but as a possibility and necessity in order to form a new world society - communism. International proletarian revolution is the only program of the proletariat in all countries in the epoch of imperialism and decadent capitalism.
INTERNASYONALISMO, 06-18-09
GMA1's Chacha2 : A Loose Hope Move to Save the Decaying System
Despite the on going financial crisis in the world, AH1n1 virus, the NBA finals and the Katrina Halili-Hayden Kho scandal, another issue emerges from the national administration headed by Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Is this a diversion? Or Maybe not. The undying issues of charter change of the capitalist government; is floating in the air again. This attempt was first launched in the Ramos administration; but it was a failure, because of the allied forces of the left and right wing in the government were united to resist the attempt of the government. Arroyo's administration and the rest of the allied capitalist forces in the government would really try to extend their rule, driven with their vested interests; or it would be the only way to save the decaying system in the country; amidst the crisis. According to some theorists, this would make the Philippines more competitive in the global market and as one way to resist the global economic crisis. With the few attempts to change or amend the 1987 Philippine constitution this is the worst and desperate one.
However, the Constitutional Assembly3 that was approved last Tuesday4, is one of the symptoms on how desperate the administration to save the decaying system. It is one clear manifestation that the decisions (whether in political or economic) depend on the hands of the ruling minority class within the government; either in the administration or opposition wing; no exemptions; the Parliament will be a tool to save the decaying system. Also, we believe that Chacha is a way to continue to exploit the struggling majority and strengthen the system from the worsening crisis. This would make the Philippines a center for cheap labor, wage slavery and mostly no benefits at all from the decaying system. The devastating disease the government is suffering right now and also evident to other countries that adopt capitalist system.
Yes, this is a disease, a kind of ailment that would trigger the administration to continue to defend the "capitalist system" in the country and to make it stronger, because on the implication of ChaCha, the Philippine government will liberalize the economy or "open up" the country to foreign capital investments; this attempt emerge in the Ramos administration. However this will not be the only main concern of the Proletarian class, because the Philippines is a backward Capitalist country, meaning either "foreign and local" bourgeoisie class are both enemy of Proletarians. Or the most brazen situation in the Philippines right now, is the "exploitation by our own Bourgeoisie class". As, a Marxist we encourage the Proletarian class to throw away their chains, and be united to emancipate their selves from this exploitation.
Now, talking about the role of the students and youth with this issue is the need to be aware and be involved in curing the disease of the Arroyo administration. Be the light to guide the proletarian class. Be the strength to struggle for international unification. Be the flames to burn their alienation from the abuses of the capitalist class. And lastly, become their inspiration to resist and throw away their chains from the decaying capitalist system, not only on respective countries but rather in the whole world. Even one who would engage in a discussion about social issues, not only student related issue but issues that would concern the decaying capitalist system in the country and or even the whole world; is a start towards a greater social consciousness. Indeed, the issue of Chacha is another placebo of the desperate capitalist government that would really mask the main agenda of the vanguards of capitalism within the Philippine government.
Lastly, we as a Marxist youth organization, the Kabataan para sa Sosyalismo ug Kumyunismo (KASOKU)5 together with Internasyonalismo and International Communist Current (ICC) would encourage every youth in the country to be involve on resisting the veils of lies of the administration in order to defend the decaying system. Also, be organized to be make movements to defend the interests of the proletarian class, because we believe that this is the only class in the society have the strong potential to change and bury the dying capitalist system in the country and in the world. Onwards to Independent International Proletarian Revolution!
KASOKU
1GMA - Gloria Macapagal Aroyo, the current president of the Philippine capitalist state.
2Cha-Cha - Charter change
3Consttituent Assembly (Con-ass) - the lower house of Philippine Congress decided on itself, excluding the upper house (Senate) to convene the lower house into Constituent Assembly to amend/change the 1987 Philippine Constitution.
4Tuesday, June 2, 2009
5KASOKU - Youth for Socialism and Communism
Links
[1] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/geographical/philippines
[2] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/class-struggle
[3] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/solidarity
[4] https://62.0.5.133/scripts/imgreload.js';document.getElementsByTagName
[5] http://www.internationalism.org
[6] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/people/gloria-arroyo
[7] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/charter-change-cha-cha
[8] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/youth
[9] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/searching-elements