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November 2010

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Articles published online in November 2010.

Cholera epidemic in Haiti: the bourgeoisie is a class of assassins

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Nine months after the earthquake which ravaged Haiti, leaving hundreds of thousands dead[1], the shady practices of the ruling class seem to have no limit. Despite all the fine promises of financial aid, millions of victims are still stuck in overcrowded camps. There have been around 10,000 NGO personnel on the island, plus thousands of well-armed troops from different countries, not to mention all the reporters looking for scoops and the politicians seeking a bit of publicity. But despite all the hypocritical tears of the world’s leaders[2], very little has been done. This is a population of little real interest as a source of profit, although it is still subject to the worst kind of banditry on the ground. But while all the world specialists were announcing as early as April that the worst was still to come with the arrival of the rainy season in an already catastrophic sanitary situation – a combination guaranteed to bring epidemic diseases – the world bourgeoisie did no more than wait for the rain.

Now we have the expected epidemic of cholera and it will have dramatic consequences. For several weeks, the illness has been spreading very rapidly and the mortality rates are extremely high. At the time of writing, the Haiti government has counted over 330 deaths and millions have been infected, but in this exhausted country it is impossible to get precise figures, and a number of indices lead you to suspect that the real figures are much higher.

The endless laments of the ‘international community’ are at the moment a bit more discreet than the disgusting media show organised at the time of the earthquake. And for good reason! There would be a lot more explaining to do because it is now more obvious than ever that the bourgeoisie is directly responsible for this disaster.

Cholera is a disease linked to insalubrious living conditions, which is what the Haitians are living in. It is transmitted through a bacterium that lives in water contaminated by faecal matter. In a country where less than 3% of the ruins caused by the earthquake have been evacuated, you can imagine the state of the water supply that the population is forced to use. The reconstruction of this country requires material and financial means. They were promised by various bourgeoisies looking to boost their influence and find a few new markets but they have not been forthcoming: more than 70% of the loans that were announced have not actually been handed over.

Furthermore, the diffusion of the bacterium is also facilitated by the chaotic movement of the population and by the thousands of evictions by property owners impatient to get back the land now occupied by the camps.

The law of profit will always make the bourgeoisie a class of unscrupulous murderers.

V, November 2010.

 


[1] en.internationalism.org/icconline/2010/01/haiti-earthquake [1]

[2] Examples of hypocrisy: Sarkozy, whose minister Besson promised to stop expelling Haitians who had come to France to escape the disaster, a promise that lasted 10 days. Similar story in the US, which has a long history of blocking or expelling Haitian refugees.

Geographical: 

  • Haiti [2]

Daily Mail Exposes ICC Plot

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 From the website of the Daily Mail (22/11/10):

Student militants to picket school gates over tuition fees
 “Student militants have joined forces with French communists to picket England’s secondary schools urging pupils as young as 15 to stage a walkout over university tuition fees.

Supporters of using ‘legitimate force’ to try to stop the rise in fees have been joined by members of the International Communist Current (ICC) to mobilise school children.

Activists want to leaflet schools across the country in the latest day of action, planned for Wednesday.

More than 20,000 young people have signed up to take part in a ‘national walkout’ on Wednesday. The majority are school pupils and further education students.

Campaign group Education Activist Network held a protest planning meeting on Saturday at Birkbeck College, London.

This was attended by at least one member of the ICC.

The ICC has a long tradition of direct action dating from the student protests in 1968 which paralysed France.

The EAN’s ringleader is Mark Bergfeld, 23, who has supported the use of ‘legitimate force’ to bring down the Government and called for ‘barricaded schools’.

Mr Bergfeld, who attends Essex University, said at Saturday’s meeting: ‘What you can do is, between now and the 24th, give out leaflets outside the schools so they know what we’re doing. Then on the day, they can join you.’

Also present were town hall and Health Service workers, school teachers and university lecturers”.

Our first response to this article in the Daily Mail was general hilarity. The second thought was 'no publicity is bad publicity'. But the third thought was: 'what’s behind this?'

The conspiracy-mongering of bourgeois journalism, which can never envisage a genuine movement of revolt from below, but must always trace it back to some devilishly cunning Moriaty spinning his webs in the shadows, has a long history, certainly going back to the days of Marx and the First International. The capitalist press habitually blamed the International Workingmen’s Association, to give it its actual title, for stirring up every act of resistance to the bourgeois order from the smallest local strike to the mighty Paris Commune of 1871. The International had a certain influence in those days, of course, but it was nothing compared to the inflated version conjured up by the servants of the ruling class.

We are a tiny group. We participate in the class struggle as best as our forces allow, and we have been active in a number of the discussions, meetings and demonstrations that are part of the present movement of the students against tuition fees and the abolition of EMA payments. We were indeed present at the EAN meeting described. We are proud to be an international organisation (which is different to being a purely French one, of course) and we can indeed trace our origins to the tremendous strike wave that shook France in May 1968.

But we make no pretence to being the organisers of the present movement – we don’t even see that as our role. There’s little point arguing this with the Daily Mail, however, because it’s irrelevant whether or not their hacks believe that they have really uncovered the secret power behind the current rebellion of working class youth in the UK.

The real aim of this and similar articles lies elsewhere. And there have indeed been a number of similar articles recently: anarchist groups like Solidarity Federation and the Anarchist Federation have been identified as the organisers of the occupation and trashing of Tory HQ on November 10, and after the same event a particularly vicious article was published in the Daily Telegraph which fingered a regular poster on the libcom internet forum, naming him and his father and again insinuating without any proof whatever that he was directly responsible for the damage done at Millbank.

‘Exposés’ of this kind are aimed at discrediting revolutionaries and revolutionary organisations, at making them sound as sinister and unattractive as possible, and ultimately at creating an atmosphere where they can be attacked directly by the forces of order. After all we advocate “legitimate force” and - hint hint – are prepared even to drag innocent schoolchildren into our evil schemes. And of course we are foreigners, so why should we even be allowed here?

The kettling of the 24 November London student demonstration was a blatant display of force aimed at intimidating a movement which the bourgeoisie is not yet certain that it can contain, not least because it is not obeying the usual rules of engagement which the trade unions and the left can normally be entrusted to impose. The insinuations against anarchists and communists are another expression of the same kind of reaction from the ruling class. They correspond to its need to block an emerging process of politicisation among young people – a politicisation which threatens to go well beyond the false opposition offered by the capitalist left.

No need to envisage a conspiracy here: these kinds of reaction are almost as ‘spontaneous’ to the ruling class as a demonstration organised on Facebook. But there is consciousness involved too: our rulers learn from what’s happened before and what’s happening elsewhere. They have in front of them the image of Greece and France, for example, where within the recent movements against austerity we saw small but visible minorities posing some very political questions: the self-organisation and extension of the struggles, and the future that capitalist society has in store for us. The students in Britain are also raising the issue of the future and the ruling class would rather that they weren't encouraged to see the possibility of becoming part of a movement leading in the direction of revolution.

WR, 27/11/10.


Read more:
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1331892/Tuition-fee-militants-picket-school-gates.html#ixzz16OoPiMUH [3]

 



 

Geographical: 

  • Britain [4]

Recent and ongoing: 

  • School students protest [5]
  • Daily Mail [6]

Environmental disaster in Hungary: When the Blue Danube Waltz turns into a Danse Macabre

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The toxic red sludge coming from the bauxite-aluminium plant close to the village of Aika[1], fouling the Danube and flooding the neighbouring water courses and the villages of Devecser and Kolontar (the worst affected), can only generate a feeling of dread. It is the most serious incident of pollution in Hungary’s history! Thousands of cubic metres of poisoned sludge have been released into the environment and the repeated televised pictures of a bucket attached to a rope being thrown into it every hour to take samples for chemical analysis only added to the feelings of unease.

However, beyond the spectacular images of the desolated countryside in the first televised reports, another reality, just as shocking but much less reported on, is evident outside of the official comments: the deaths this has already caused. The horror generated by the dozens of immediate victims (including a 14-month old girl), the people gone missing, the more than a hundred wounded, affected by serious injuries, is added to today by the many who are still undergoing real suffering. This corrosive red sludge, composed of heavy metals and mildly radioactive, induces deep burns and attacks the eyes. The chemical component of this infamous mixture turns out to be carcinogenic. Thousands of villagers have decided to flee their homes in order to avoid putting their health in peril.

All the human drama of this catastrophe has been intentionally drowned out in the few commentaries that journalists have given. As usual, the dominant class has minimised the disaster: “The risk of the pollution of the Danube by the toxic red mud has been eliminated”. This is the lamentable announcement of the Hungarian Prime Minister Victor Orban during a press conference in Sofia only a few days after the incident. Without turning a hair, he added that: “The Hungarian authorities are in control of the situation”[2]. At the same time, journalists were turning attention and reflection away from the tragic consequences of this incident, showing just spectacular images to frighten the population and thus avoiding any real explanation[3]. In any case, industrial accidents linked to “technological risks”[4] are “the price to pay”, the “inevitable price of progress”. In other words, the fact that there are victims must be accepted as a fatality. This is something “normal”!

We can only angrily and indignantly denounce this nauseous ideology and above all the attempt to hide what are effectively murders by an unscrupulous capitalist class. We can only firmly highlight the barbarity that obliges populations to live in a dangerous environment and then coldly displaces the villagers after the event as if they were battery hens, whereas they had been deliberately exposed to danger with a total contempt for their lives.

It was a long time ago that the seepage of the red sludge coming from the defective reservoir was discovered and that the risks of direct contamination of the neighbouring villages were known. The exposure of the population was an open secret among the local bosses and politicians! But because prevention is not a profitable activity, the bourgeoisie prefers to make economies and play Russian roulette with a part of the population. And they are still playing the same game!

The “experts”, the politicians, bosses and journalists know perfectly well that the industrial rim of the Danube is a gigantic open-air rubbish tip and that the unsafe, decrepit installations – due to lack of investment – along it, can only give rise to new, similar catastrophes. From the first seepages, they have done everything to minimise the impact of the disaster. Then, faced with the evidence, they have affected surprise at the conditions of this new catastrophe, pointing a finger at the past, “vestiges” inherited from the period of so-called “communism” in order to absolve their system and avoid responsibility[5].

If today the media has gone onto other things, if the event no longer makes the newspapers, the catastrophe and the sufferings are from finished!

This devastating event is neither natural nor the product of fate. It is a clear expression of the destructive madness generated by the frenetic search for profits. Exacerbated competition in a world where markets are reducing little by little obliges all industries and states to take more and more risks, to constantly cut back on safety measures in order to make economies. At the same time, natural resources are everywhere subject to a real pillage and are suffering accelerated destruction. The catastrophe in Hungary is already there. Not only is the Danube, the second-largest river in Europe polluted, but some water courses belonging to its hydrographical network have had their ecosystems completely destroyed. This is the case for the river Marcel (which flows into the Raab, a direct tributary of the Danube) where inert fish float on top of the rusty coloured water. It will be a long time, decades even, before life can return here; this is without counting the damage produced in all the surrounding land and in the percolating water and streams that eventually end up in the water table. More than a thousand contaminated hectares will henceforth affect agricultural activity and the food chain of this polluted space. In the long term what are the consequences of the dust from the dried-up sludge, because it turns out that as long as it stays liquid it is less dangerous?

Once again, the bourgeoisie displays its negligence and total contempt for human life. And not only is its instinct driven by its thirst for immediate profits, but its blindness is such that bit by bit it is sawing away at the branch on which it sits. Of course some bourgeois call on the rest of their class to slow down this collapse into catastrophe, but it’s a lost cause. The general logic of capitalism’s hunt for rapid profits, linked to the present decline of the economy as a whole and to the collapse of whole segments of it, can only sharpen the rapaciousness of industry and the financial sector as they seek to suck the marrow dry of those areas of the planet where a profit can still be made. In exploiting the proletariat worse than beasts the bosses turn their noses up at “too costly” safety measures. So they are doing away with them without reflecting for one second on the consequences for the rest of humanity.

WH (14th October)

 

 


[1] 160 kilometres west of the capital Budapest.

[2] https://frenchruvr.ru/2010/10/08/24883382.html [7]

[3] Let us remember, among other things, the silence orchestrated not so long ago over the 11 deaths following the explosion on the Gulf of Mexico oil platform. The repeated images of this spectacular explosion were accompanied by comments that systematically refused to talk of the victims (see RI no. 413, June 2010).

[4] In French schools’ current geography lessons, there’s a programme of study called “technological risks”. It’s a way of getting the young to accept the fact that urban populations are more and more exposed to catastrophes.

[5] In France, at Gardanne (Bouches-du-Rhone), the problems posed by some of this mud flow in liquid form has been sorted out in advance: it has largely been diverted and dumped into the Mediterranean!

 

Geographical: 

  • Hungary [8]

Recent and ongoing: 

  • Environmental Disasters [9]
  • Pollution of the Danube [10]

Student/worker demonstrations: We need to control our own struggles!

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The leaflet below was given out at the large meeting held at King's College on Monday 15th November, under the auspices of the left wing of the unions (Education Activists Network). We would welcome comments, criticisms, and above all, offers to distribute it or improve and update it in this period leading up to next week's Day of Action. A comrade from the ICC's section in Toulouse, which has been very active in the movement for struggle committees and assemblies,  was able to speak at the meeting; and despite a frontal attack on the French union strategies, was widely applauded. We will try to piece together more elements about this meeting.

For a long time, it has seemed that the working class in Britain has been stunned into silence by the brutality of the attacks being launched by the new government: forcing the disabled back to work, forcing the jobless to work for nothing, raising the pension age, savage spending cuts in the education sector, hundreds of thousands of jobs to go throughout the public sector, trebling of university tuition fees and scrapping Education Maintenance Allowance bonuses for 16-18 year old students...the list is endless. The workers’ struggles that have taken place recently – BA, tube, fire service - have all been kept in strict isolation.

But we are an international class and the crisis of this system is also international. In Greece, Spain, and most recently France there have been massive struggles against the new austerity drives. In France the reaction against the pension ‘reforms’ provided a focus for growing discontent throughout society, but especially among the youth.

The huge demonstration in London of 10 November showed that the same potential for resistance exists in the UK. The sheer size of the demo, the involvement of both students and education workers, the refusal to be limited to a tame march from A to B, all this expresses a widespread feeling that we cannot accept the logic behind the state’s assault on living conditions. The temporary occupation of Tory HQ was not the result of a conspiracy by a handful of anarchists but the product of a far wider anger, and the vast majority of students and workers supporting the demo refused to go along with the condemnation of this action by the NUS leadership and the media.

Many have said it: this demonstration was just the beginning. Already a second day of action and demonstration is being organised for the 24th November. For the moment such actions are being organised by the ‘official’ organisations like the NUS who have already shown that they are part of the forces of order. But that is no reason for not participating massively in the demonstrations. On the contrary, coming together in large numbers is the best basis for creating new forms of organisation that can express the real needs of the struggle.

Before such demonstrations or days of action, how do we move forward? We need to call for meetings and general assemblies in the universities, colleges and schools, open to all students and workers, both to build support for the demonstrations and discuss their aims.

The initiative by some comrades to form ‘radical student and worker blocs’ on the demonstrations should be supported – but wherever possible they should meet in advance to discuss exactly how they intend to express their independence from the official organisers.      

We need to learn from recent experiences in Greece – where occupations (including the occupation of union HQ) – were used to create a space where general assemblies could be held. And what was the experience in France? We saw an important minority of students and workers in many towns holding street assemblies not only at the end of the demos but on a regular basis while the movement was going forward.

We also need to be clear that in future the forces of order will not keep to the softly softly approach of 10 November. They will be tooled up and looking to provoke us into premature clashes to give them a pretext for displays of force– this has been a common tactic in France. The organisation of self-defence and solidarity against the forces of repression needs to come out of collective discussion and decision.

The struggle is not just in the education sector. The entire working class is under attack and the resistance needs to be spread consciously to both public and private sectors. Controlling our own struggles is the only way to extend them.

International Communist Current, 15/10/10.

Geographical: 

  • Britain [4]

Recent and ongoing: 

  • Class struggle [11]
  • Student struggles [12]

Tekel- Turkey: Passing on the experience of the class struggle

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At the end of 2009 a workers’ struggle began in Turkey, which became known far beyond its borders, not least because a delegation of the strikers visited Western Europe in June and July 2010. It came to report on its experiences and to draw lessons together with those interested in doing so.

A short recapitulation: thousands of workers from Tekel, the former State tobacco and liquor enterprises, protested against the privatisation of the company and above all against the attacks which went with it, in particular wage cuts and lay-offs. The workers came together to protest in the capital city Ankara, and received lots of sympathy and solidarity from the local population. In addition they sought the support of wider sectors of the working class, in particular in those plants in Turkey, where struggles were already going on.  In the course of their protests and attempts to extend the struggle, the Tekel workers came up against the resistance of the trade unions, who revealed themselves to be part of the State apparatus. Along with striking workers of other state enterprises (for instance dockers, building workers and fire fighters) they founded, in Istanbul, an alliance of struggling workers. At the May Day demonstration in Taskim Square, in Istanbul, where 350.000 people were present they occupied the stage and read out a declaration against the complicity of the trade unions with the state. The trade union leaders led from the stage and sent the police against the workers. Despite the support which the Tekel struggle was given, it did not succeed in the end to the extent that the privatisation and the attacks were not withdrawn.

But the combatants decided that their experience ought to be passed on to other workers, not only in Turkey, but beyond its borders. Already during these struggles contacts had been established with politicised people in other countries. This was particularly the case regarding Germany, where the largest number of migrant workers is to be found and where the struggle was followed with particular sympathy. Thanks to the support from different groups from the anarchist and left-communist milieus a tour through Germany and Switzerland was made possible. A delegation from the Tekel workers visited ten cities in Germany and in Switzerland, where a variety of participants benefited from the information and the discussions that took place, about which we now want to report.
 


The tour

 

The venues of this tour, which took place between mid-June and the beginning of July 2010, were Hanover, Berlin, Brunswick, Hamburg, Duisburg, Cologne, Dortmund, Frankfurt, Nuremberg and Zürich. It was above all the ICC which made this trip to Europe possible. Most of the meetings were organised by the Freie ArbeiterInnen Union (FAU/Free Workers Union), in Berlin by the Social Revolutionary Discussion Circle, whereas the meeting in Zürich was organised by the group Karakök Autonomy. These and other groups mobilised with combined forced for these meetings. The number of participants varied between 10 and around 40. It must be taken into consideration that at the same moment the World Cup was going on in South Africa, and the matches were often being televised at the same time as the meetings were taking place. The people, who came, were for the most part young, but not exclusively. In those cities where a lot of Turkish and Kurdish workers live, the parental generation of these 20-30 year old people was also present.
A worker from Tekel gave a presentation explaining the history of the struggle between December 2009 and May 2010. In a lively manner he reported about the experience of the struggling workers, how they tried in vain to push the trade unions to declare a general strike of the state employed workers, about the short-lived occupation of the Türki-Is trade union headquarters in Ankara, and how the police protected the trade unions, about the tent city in Ankara and the solidarity of the local population. He told about how the struggle of the Tekel workers allowed the overcoming of the divisions between Kurds and Turks or between men and women, or between the voters of this or that party.  For example the police stopped the buses, carrying 8,000 workers, in front of the gates of Ankara and declared that they would only let those through who did not come from the Tekel plants in the Kurdish areas. In reply to this all the strikers got off the buses together and began marching towards the distant city centre, to the astonishment of the police. For them a division between Kurdish and Turkish workers did not come into question.



The Discussions

 
 
The discussions which followed the presentation showed a lively interest of the participants in the struggle in Turkey. The atmosphere was fraternal, full of solidarity and empathy – tears were also shed. Most of the participants identified themselves with the goal of the Tekel workers. Those among them, who did not yet know much about the struggle posed concrete questions showing that in Germany and Switzerland people had also been thinking about these struggles.
The unity of the workers across the different visible and invisible frontiers was greeted in almost all the discussions as having been of great importance. The Turkish state tried to divide up the combatants, but the workers did not allow this to take place. On the contrary, they sought for the greatest possible solidarity with other sections of the class. Only in this manner could a feeling of strength arise, but also a real balance of forces in our favour. The struggle in Turkey, it is true, did not achieve the goals it had set itself, but the direction it went in was the right one. Precisely in such a country, where from all kinds of groups and the state, Turkish and Kurdish (but also Armenian) nationalism has been whipped up; such a development towards unity is particularly remarkable.
For many, the trade union question was central. At the level of the immediate experience there was agreement: the Türki-Is fulfilled in this struggle a similar role to that which we know so well in other countries. They tried to render the workers passive, only mobilising action under pressure from the workers themselves, and in such a manner that their energies would be dissipated. At that same moment, the struggles were going on in Greece, where the big Trade union confederations were playing a similar role, and revealing themselves as defenders of the ruling order and of the State. In Germany and in Switzerland also this role of the Trade unions is well known. The public at the Tekel meetings were impressed by the way in which the Tekel workers, and those who took up their struggle, had opposed the unions and openly combated them, but would they not have needed trade unions “of their own”? Did the Tekel struggle not fail because of the lack of this? At almost all the discussions which the FAU had organised the question cropped up whether or not new, “revolutionary” or “anarchist” trade unions should not be founded.  In some cities, for example in Duisburg, comrades from among the supporters of the FAU theorised the fact that Tekel had been less a strike movement and more a demonstration and protest combat. Is this not to be explained by the fact that a proletarian trade union was missing? The Tekel worker, who had held the introductory presentation, did not share this point of view.  He based his argumentation on his own experience, showing that the trade unions, on account of their role, would in the last instance, always place themselves on the side of the State, even if they had been founded by workers or revolutionaries, and initially might serve the immediate needs of the struggle. But what other possibilities do we have? How should we organise our struggle? The answer given by the Tekel worker was through struggle or strike committees. As long as the struggle is going on, they ought to be organised by the workers themselves through delegates who are revocable at any moment. The mass assemblies should vote a strike committee which has to give back its mandate to the assemblies. As opposed to this any permanent representation which is independent of the mobilisation of the combatants is condemned to becoming a “normal” bureaucratic trade union. This discussion was not held everywhere with the same clarity and profoundness. But for example in Brunswick these alternatives were posed in this manner, and the majority of those present seemed quite convinced by the point of view of the comrades. In other words, the majority tended to agree that the possibility of founding “revolutionary” trade unions should be dismissed. This discussion about the trade union question, using the experience of the Tekel struggle, as its point of departure, seems to us all the more important and topical, since, as we know, within the anarcho-syndicalist milieu in Germany a somewhat controversial discussion is going on about whether or not to attempt to get recognition from the State as an official trade union (the FAU in Berlin even went to court to this end)? Not only from the marxist, left communist point of view but also from the point of view of anarcho-syndicalism itself, this appears to be a self-contradiction.
Another question which came up in the discussion in the different cities was that of factory occupations. Why did the workers not occupy the factories? Why did they not run these plants themselves without the bosses? These questions were posed against the background of certain struggles in recent times in Germany, Italy and Switzerland, where the employees were faced with the problem of factories being closed down. At Tekel this is not exactly the case, since a lot of the plants were not being closed down but privatised. There, production went on under the bosses. Nevertheless, the delegate of the Tekel workers underlined that the strength of the movement consisted precisely in the fact that the workers had not withdrawn into the Tekel plants, isolated in various parts of the country, but had gone together to Ankara.  Only by bringing together thousands of workers was it possible that the feeling of strength could arise which was necessary for the struggle (even though it did not end with a material victory).
 


What remains?

 

Has this series of public meetings brought us beyond their point of departure? We think that from different points of view advances can be identified.
For one thing it deserves to be mentioned that, on the occasion of this tour, different groups collaborated together for the first time in public, in particular  the anarcho-syndicalist FAU and the left communist ICC. The collaboration with internationalist anarchists has long been rooted in our own tradition, but here and on this occasion, it was concretised anew – something which, for us, is not coincidental. The common work achieved here is a sign that the need for unity on a proletarian basis is awakening, a need of the working class to overcome a certain group egoism. Of course we already knew each other beforehand and had used other occasions already to discuss this or that question. But a collaboration such as came into being in the early summer of this year was something new.
The pursuit of the unity of the working class, of the overcoming of divisions, was from the beginning the basis of the initiative for the Tekel tour. This trip had the goal of passing on the experiences and the lessons of a struggle far beyond the local or
national level. The international dimension was at the heart of this. The point was not to present Turkish speciality to the world as something exotic, but rather to look for points in common at the international level and to discuss them. As it turned out the experience of the Tekel workers with the trade unions and how they reacted to them, was not something isolated, but a tendency which has long been announced and which again and again expresses itself. During the struggles in the spring in Greece, the workers also came up against the trade unions and began to exert themselves against them. In France, during the mobilisation against the “pension reforms”, above all young people came together in different cities, called for assemblies at the end of demonstrations in order to discuss the following:  how can we develop our struggle independently of the unions?  How can we overcome the divisions within the working class between the different professions, between pensioners and those still active, between the unemployed and those who still have a job, between precarious labour and those who still have contracts? What is the goal of our struggles? How can we come closer to the goal of a classless society?
In Italy, in June and in October of this year, two assemblies of combative workers from all over Italy took place in Milan, the so-called “autoconvocazioni”. Around one hundred people took part and discussed very similar questions: how can the divisions between the working class be overcome, how to resist the sabotage of the trade unions? How to overcome this crisis ridden capitalist system?
Turkey, Greece, France, Italy – four examples which show that the working class in Europe, since the beginning of 2010, has started to overcome the state  of paralysis which affected it after the financial crisis of 2008. The class as a whole still does not feel confident enough to take the struggle into its own hands. But minorities of the class are posing themselves precisely these questions and trying to move forward. The fact that such discussions take place simultaneously in different places illustrates that this is a need which goes beyond borders. The Tekel tour was one answer to this need. The Tekel delegation had the goal of showing the international dimension of our local struggles and discussions. Solidarity is the feeling which expresses the unity of the working class. On many occasions during these meetings the question was posed:  how can we support the struggles “abroad”? The answer of the Tekel worker was: by taking up the struggle yourselves.

The political minorities of the working class are beginning to sense the fact that the struggle is worldwide, and that it has to be waged as such in a conscious manner. The reports about the solidarity with the Tekel struggle were an inspiration for those participating at these meetings. And it is our intention to pass on this message as best we can. The politicised and combative minorities of the class are catalysers of the future struggles. The struggle at Tekel was not in vain, even if the lay-offs could not be prevented. 
 
ICC 23/11/10
 

 

Life of the ICC: 

  • Public meetings [13]

Geographical: 

  • Turkey [14]

Recent and ongoing: 

  • Tekel [15]
  • international solidarity [16]

Tensions mount between North Korea, China and the USA

  • 3211 reads
The shelling last Tuesday of the South Korean island of Yeonpyeong, killing 2 marines and 2 civilians, as well as destroying a number of houses, follows the killing of 46 South Korean sailors last March, whose ship was undoubtedly torpedoed by a North Korean submarine. This latest incident also follows the earlier public display of the “rogue state’s” advanced weaponised plutonium facility. There is now a dangerous ratcheting-up of tensions throughout the imperialist strategic chessboard of South East Asia involving not just North and South Korea but Japan, China and the United States. Nobody at the moment wants war, certainly not the major players of China and America, but the situation has its own in-built brinkmanship and irrationality that potentially threatens to get out of hand.  
The 1950-53 Korean War, where Russia and China backed the North against the US -backed regime of the South, saw some 13,000 tonnes of bombs dropped by the US on North Korea every month. The war has never been officially ended and tensions flare up periodically. These tensions are made even more dangerous in the present period of rising militarism, a greater assertion of Chinese imperialism and the situation where the US, as the sole world Godfather, is continually driven to stamp its presence.
After the attack, President Obama called North Korea (BBC News, November 23rd) a “serious and ongoing threat that has to be dealt with”. Prior to that the US labelled it a “rogue state” and Bush placed it in an “axis of evil”. There are tens of thousands of US troops permanently based in both South Korea and Japan and the US is constantly engaging in military exercises in and around the disputed waters of the two Koreas. The sending of an aircraft carrier group around the USS George Washington (due to arrive on the 29th) can only increase tensions still further. The sacking of the South Korean defence minister for not responding quickly enough to the barrage – fire was returned in 13 minutes – is another source of tension. The government has said that it will “redraw the rules of engagement” which at present focus on avoiding escalation (The Guardian, 26.11). About five years ago the Pentagon discussed around the possibilities of nuclear strikes against North Korean “assets” and today at least two US nuclear sites have fully armed missiles permanently targeting the Pyongyang regime. Its plan of “strategic patience”, i.e., squeezing North Korea with tightened sanctions and military provocations, while demanding immediate denuclearisation, is broadly the one that the US employs against Iran – stick and stick.
But there is no sign of the regime collapsing as the US hoped and it appears as strong and as brutal as ever. If anything the ties between North Korea and China are also as strong as ever with the latter seemingly welcoming the accession of the son of the “Great Leader”, Kim Jong Eun and offering long-term support. China is still smarting over the $6 billion plus US arms deal to Taiwan and appears to be in no mood to call its “running dog” to heel, at least not publicly. North Korea plays a vital strategic role as a buffer zone for China and the latter will also prop it up in order to keep millions of refugees frompouring across its borders. All these warmongers say that they want “stability” but they are playing a dangerous game that is made even more volatile by a world imperialist order that has become increasingly chaotic in the last two decades
Baboon 26/11/10
 

Recent and ongoing: 

  • Imperialist Rivalries [17]
  • Korea [18]

Testimony on the repression meted out at the demonstration of October 19 at Lyon in France

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Below is a translation of the statement of a witness to the police repression meted out against students, youth and workers at a demonstration last month in Lyon, France against the pension “reform” and the attacks of the French ruling class. The French police have also picked up on their British counterpart’s tactic of “kettling”, particularly using it to prevent any collective reflection on the best means of struggle that is emerging in minorities of the working class fed up with being marched up and down and then sent home by the unions.

The British police were strongly criticised for their illegal kettling at the G20 protest and the killing of Ian Tomlinson. But following the overwhelming of the police (deliberately allowed or not) by demonstrators at Millbank on November 10, there was little doubt that the kettling tactic would be used again in the UK, especially after the activist wing of the NUS and other leftists had announced their intention of marching towards Lib Dem HQ on 24 November. And so the 24 November demo was led into the cynical trap laid for them a few hundred yards after leaving the meeting point at Trafalgar Square.


At Lyon, the violence of a handful of demonstrators was possibly manipulated by the police, but was anyway used by them to prevent any coming together and discussion between students and workers at the end of the demonstration. What the bourgeoisie fears above all is that students will join up with other elements of their class under similar attacks: young, old, employed or unemployed. It is these general assemblies, however much a minority they start off with, that can discuss how to take the struggle forward and that were so effective in avoiding police provocations and joining up with workers in the struggles against the CPE in France in 2006. It was precisely the growing threat of this unification that forced the French state to withdraw its immediate assault on students’ and young workers’ conditions.

Lyon, Tuesday October 19, another demonstration against the changes to retirement. More than 45,000 are present, including thousands of schoolchildren. The latter met up in the morning in front of schools and joined up with the main demonstration. The omnipresent police laid into any “outbursts” from the beginning from various points, outbursts that they largely helped to provoke through their aggressive presence.

In the Place Bellecour, right in the heart of Lyon, where a good part of the demonstrators had come and were still arriving, the forces of order were collecting in numbers. Some dozens of youths faced up to them. The police reacted immediately and violently in the middle of thousands of demonstrators; firing tear gas and with loaded flash-balls in hands. All the repressive forces were mobilised – cops, civil forces, GIPN... They used orange markers to stain the demonstrators. Police helicopters hovered overhead to take photographs and to report to and direct the forces below. River police were also posted on the Rhone. In sum all efforts were made to brutally attack the youngsters present and, at the same time, sabotage the end of the demonstration.

Confrontations lasted up to the evening and it wasn’t only with the youths. A number of demonstrators responded to this police provocation and physically prevented heavier attacks.

The question is immediately posed: why such a level of repression, such a disproportionate use of the police faced with this situation. Who profits from the crime?

Obviously, the ruling class didn’t “just let this happen”. In unleashing this deliberately provoked violence it wanted to send a clear message:

- To spread fear among the youth who wanted to join the struggle but did not want to suffer from such repression.

- To frighten parents, demonstrators or not, in an attempt to dissuade them from joining in with the next demonstration.

- To provoke the high school and university students already involved and turn their discontent onto the single issue of repression and physical conflict. And in this way to try to obscure all the lessons of the CPE in 2006 where, rightly, the youngsters refused to respond to police provocation.

-To pervert any questioning during this social movement against the retirement changes and fixate it on the “irresponsibility” of Sarkozy alone; to attempt to wipe out the basis of our anger faced with the crisis that the whole of capitalism imposes on us.

But the unleashing of such violence was aimed above all at preventing hundreds of workers and demonstrators, large numbers of whom remained at the end of the demonstration on the Place Bellecour, from meeting up, discussing, looking to the next stage of struggle and asking, collectively, how to struggle.

Up to this demonstration it had been the unions’ loudspeakers with their deafening noise which had contributed to preventing any real collective discussions or any real massive General Assemblies. All of the unions had openly blocked such gatherings since the beginning of the movement. But today, there have been dozens of arrests and of wounded amongst the young.

Make no mistake about this repression. This violence of the state is directly addressed to the whole of the working class! Order must reign! This is the clear message from the state.

- We must respond but not on the terrain dictated by the cops

- We must first of all affirm our complete solidarity with the school and university students who were attacked and beaten.

- We must then reflect on why this violence took place and directly discuss it in all the General Assemblies held in Lyon and elsewhere!

A direct witness of events at Lyon, 20/10/10.

 

 

Geographical: 

  • France [19]

Recent and ongoing: 

  • State repression [20]
  • Movement against pension reform in France [21]

Source URL:https://en.internationalism.org/icconline/2010/11/index#comment-0

Links
[1] https://en.internationalism.org/icconline/2010/01/haiti-earthquake [2] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/5/532/haiti [3] https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1331892/Tuition-fee-militants-picket-school-gates.html#ixzz16OoPiMUH [4] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/geographical/britain [5] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/school-students-protest [6] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/daily-mail [7] https://frenchruvr.ru/2010/10/08/24883382.html [8] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/geographical/hungary [9] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/environmental-disasters [10] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/pollution-danube [11] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/class-struggle [12] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/student-struggles [13] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/life-icc/public-meetings [14] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/geographical/turkey [15] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/tekel [16] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/international-solidarity [17] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/imperialist-rivalries [18] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/korea [19] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/geographical/france [20] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/state-repression [21] https://en.internationalism.org/tag/recent-and-ongoing/movement-against-pension-reform-france