How to contribute to the future revolutionary party?

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Introduction

Fifty years ago, in January 1975, the International Communist Current was formed. This is a significant lifespan for an international revolutionary organisation of the proletariat when one considers, for example, that the International Workingmen's Association lasted only twelve years (1864-1876), the Socialist International twenty-five years (1889-1914) and the Communist International nine years (1919-1928). This half-century of the ICC's existence is fully part of the history of the proletariat, from which our organisation emanates, just like all the revolutionary organisations of the past. While this anniversary is an opportunity to show the main lessons we have learned from these five decades of struggle, it is also and above all an opportunity to highlight for our class the issues and challenges it will face in the decades to come. Faced with the spiral of destruction and chaos to which capitalism inexorably condemns human society, it is up to those who fight for the revolutionary overthrow of this system, the communists, to forge the theoretical and political tools to arm the only force in society capable of carrying out this revolution: the world proletariat. Yes, revolution is still possible! Yes, the advent of communist society is more necessary than ever for the future of human civilisation!

I - The working class is the only class capable of abolishing capitalism

In the aftermath of the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the disappearance of the USSR, the bourgeoisie unleashed a deafening ideological campaign throughout the world. Relying on a considerable media campaign and intensive brainwashing, it sought to promote the false idea that the collapse of the Stalinist regimes constituted ‘the death of communism’.

This was the ‘end of history,’ claimed bourgeois propaganda, and the victory of democracy and liberal capitalism was supposed to lead humanity to prosperity and progress. The last thirty-five years have clearly disproved this tragic farce. Every day, everywhere, the news reminds us of this obvious fact. The only future that capitalism promises us can be summed up in three words: misery, barbarism and chaos.

But in launching the campaign on the death of communism, the ruling class was not mistaken. It targeted the two most formidable weapons that the proletariat possesses to abolish capitalist exploitation: its organisation and its class consciousness. And it is precisely this historical consciousness that the bourgeoisie, in its relentless struggle against ‘its own gravedigger’, has always sought to undermine and destroy by distorting and misrepresenting history, the memory and experience of our class, in order to better deceive it and ultimately make it believe that it does not exist, that class struggle is nothing more than a distant myth that should be forgotten. But as Marx and Engels already stated in the Communist Manifesto of 1848: “Our epoch, that of the bourgeoisie, is distinguished from others by one particular feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Increasingly, society is divided into two great enemy camps, two great classes directly opposed to each other: the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.” Nearly two centuries later, this statement remains more relevant than ever for the exploited and revolutionaries around the world.

Throughout these two centuries of struggle and combat, the proletariat has fought to forge a clear vision of the goal and the means that will enable it to liberate human society from its own chains. However, among the working masses, this consciousness has never been a linear and continuous process. On the contrary, it fluctuates according to the advances and setbacks of the class struggle. But as Marx stated in 1844, when he had just been won over to communism: "What matters is not what this or that proletarian, or even the whole proletariat, imagines as its goal at different moments. What matters is what it is and what it must do historically, in accordance with its nature: its historical goal and action are traced out for it in a tangible and irrevocable [and therefore definitive and non-revisable] manner in its situation of existence, as in the entire organisation of present-day bourgeois society. The proletariat executes the judgement that bourgeois private property pronounces against itself through the production of the proletariat.”[1]

In other words, the proletariat is by no means a temporary force that appears and disappears according to the vicissitudes of history. On the contrary, it constitutes a permanent political force, a single class, a single ’historical being’. The only force capable of abolishing capitalism!

II- The permanent need for the organisation of revolutionaries

This is why, throughout history, the proletariat has always felt the need to create organisations capable of engaging in the struggle for revolution, of embodying and defending the historical consistency and continuity of the proletariat's revolutionary project. This cardinal principle was already defended in The Communist Manifesto: "What is the position of the Communists in relation to the proletariat as a whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working-class parties. They have no interests that separate them from the proletariat as a whole. They do not set up sectarian principles of their own, by which to shape and mould the working-class movement. Communists differ from other working-class parties in only two respects: 1. In the various national struggles of the proletarians, they emphasise and bring to the fore the independent interests of the proletariat common to all nations. 2. In the various phases of the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, they always represent the interests of the movement as a whole. In practice, communists are therefore the most determined section of the workers' parties in all countries, the section that pushes forward all the others; theoretically, they have the advantage over the rest of the proletariat of a clear understanding of the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement.”

But while the formation and construction of political organisations is a permanent necessity, the precise role and function they are called upon to assume may differ depending on the development of the class struggle. Their history is inextricably linked to that of the general movement of the class, marked by heroic struggles, but also by bloody defeats and temporary setbacks. There are three key moments in particular that will prove decisive in the evolution of these political organs created by the class:

  • The infancy of the labour movement and the affirmation of the proletariat as a revolutionary class (Communist League, IWA).
  • The period of its maturity, characterised by the formation of mass parties and trade unions (Second International).
  • The entry of capitalism into the period of decadence, when the revolutionary perspective was firmly established (Third International).

III – The relationship between the party and the fraction like organisation

On the other hand, as the Italian Fraction of the Communist Left pointed out in its theoretical journal Bilan, there is a qualitative difference in the form taken by the organisation of revolutionaries and the corresponding tasks, according to the period: that of the development of the class struggle and that of its defeats and setbacks. "In the first case, the form of the party, an organisation which could have a direct and immediate influence on the class struggle; in the second case, a numerically restricted organisation with a much weaker influence in the immediate life of the class. To this second type of organisation it gave the distinctive name of the ‘fraction' which, between two periods in the development of the class struggle, i.e., two moments in the existence of the party, constitutes a link, an organic bridge between the past and future party.[2]

This is why the various organisations that have had the historical task of assuming the function of the class party have always been intermittent in nature, with a phase of formation, a phase of development-construction, and finally a phase of disappearance as a proletarian organisation. This was the case with the Communist League, the social-democratic parties that were members of the Second International, and the Comintern.

On the other hand, the function and form of the organisation depend not only on the balance of power between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, but also on the general historical conditions in which it operates. For example, when the International Workingmen's Association (IWA) was formed in 1864, the international workers movement had grown considerably. The period of capitalist ascendancy allowed the proletariat to fight to substantially improve its living and working conditions. But at the same time, the development of its consciousness lagged behind the small revolutionary vanguard of 1848. Consequently, these particular historical characteristics determined the hybrid form of the IWA, in which different political tendencies coexisted alongside cooperatives, trade unions and parties. The marxist tendency therefore had to resolutely defend communist principles while adapting to the level of the struggle of the working class.

Similarly, the last quarter of the 19th century, marked by the heyday of capitalism, saw the emergence of mass social democratic organisations with a minimum and a maximum programme. The possibility of immediate reforms, both economic and political, shifted the field of action of socialist organisations. The immediate and gradualist struggle tended to take precedence over the broad perspective of communism, already defended in the Communist Manifesto.

The entry of capitalism into its decadent phase meant a profound and irreversible change in the function and form of the revolutionary organisation:

  • In the ‘era of wars and revolutions’, the struggle for reforms no longer has any raison d'être. The organisation exclusively defended the necessity of the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat with a view to establishing communism.
  • It adopted a much “narrower” structure than in the past, with strict membership criteria based on a clear programme and principles.

Ultimately, we can say that the role and form of revolutionary organisations since the mid-19th century contain both ‘permanent’ characteristics, while others remain determined by the historical conditions in which these political forces arise and develop.

IV – The formation of the International Communist Current and the struggle for the future party

Our organisation, the International Communist Current, is no exception to this rule. Its foundation in January 1975 was one of the major events of the period that marked the end of four decades of counter-revolution[3]: "The terrible counter-revolution which crushed the working class following its glorious battles after World War I lasted for nearly forty years. But once the last fires of the reconstruction following the second world war had gone out and capitalism was again faced with the open crisis of its economy at the end of the 60s, the proletariat raised its head once more. May 1968 in France, the "rampant May" in Italy in 1969, workers' struggles in the winter of 1970 in Poland and a whole series of workers' struggles in Europe and on other continents: the counter-revolution was over. The best proof of this fundamental change in the course of history was the appearance and development in various parts of the world of groups who based themselves, often in a confused way, on the traditions and positions of the Communist Left. The ICC was formed in 1975 as a regroupment of some of these formations that the historic resurgence of the proletariat had produced.[4]

From the outset, the ICC was able to grasp its fundamental historical role, namely to work towards the regroupment of revolutionary forces. It was also able to recognise that this challenge did not arise in exactly the same terms as before: "The ICC doesn't ignore the enormous difficulties that will be encountered in taking up this task. These difficulties are largely the result of the terrible counter-revolution that the working class was subjected to for over 40 years, a counter-revolution which brought an end to the left fractions which came out of the CI and broke the organic continuity which had existed between the different prolet­arian political organizations since the middle of the last century.[5] Because of this break in organic continuity, the future party won't be formed in the manner envisaged by the Italian Fraction, with the Fraction constituting a bridge between the old and the new party.[6] ". The situation of the proletarian struggle has changed considerably over the past half-century.[7] The obstacles encountered by the working class on its path to revolution have proved to be much greater than could have been suspected when our organisation was founded, particularly because of the break in the organic continuity that had linked the various revolutionary organisations since the 19th century. We must therefore be aware that our class's historic struggle to overthrow capitalism will still be a very long one. Along the way, there will be a succession of pitfalls, traps and defeats. To be ultimately victorious, this revolutionary struggle will require a general raising of consciousness and organisation of the entire working class, on a global scale. While the process of forming the party remains a distant prospect, we must be convinced that it is vitally necessary. As we have always argued, without the formation of the class party, there can be no victorious proletarian revolution!

In order to be fully capable of taking on this difficult but exciting struggle, the future generation of revolutionaries will have to embrace the vision defended by Lenin in What Is To Be Done?: "In this sense, the formation of the future party will be the result of a conscious and deliberate effort […] This effort necessitates a clear comprehension both of the general characteristics of the process by which the party is formed -- those which are valid in all periods -- and of the specific, historically unprecedented conditions which determine the emergence of tomorrow's party.[8] "

This is the aim of this series of articles: to set out and defend the method with which the ICC intends to continue its role of contributing to the creation of the political conditions that will enable the formation of the future world revolutionary party. This task rests on several pillars, which we will develop in future articles, including:

  • The ability to adopt a clear programme and principles that will enable the forging of an organisation capable of fulfilling its role in the long term, while revolutionaries are still swimming ‘against the tide’ of society.
  • The uncompromising defence of proletarian organisation and principles in the face of constant attacks from ideologies alien to the working class.
  • The ability to establish a solid framework of functioning that enables the organisation to act in a unified manner on an international scale.
  • The ability to connect the past, present and future in order to critically engage with the historical continuity of organisations and be able to pass on essential lessons to future generations of revolutionaries.

The first article will set out the main lessons learned from the experience of revolutionary organisations of the past. The second article will take stock of the 50 years of experience and political life of the International Communist Current. Finally, the third article will aim to outline the main challenges and organisational methods that our current will have to develop and implement in the years and decades to come in order to prepare for the future.

This series will be accompanied by suggestions for reading, including articles already published in our press, to enable readers to explore the issues discussed here in greater depth

 

[1] Karl Marx, The Holy Family, 1844

[2] “On the Party and its relationship to the class”, International Review 35, 1983

[5] This refers to the 19th century.

[7] Read on the ICC website: “Manifesto for the 50th Anniversary of the International Communist Current: Capitalism threatens humanity: World revolution is the only realistic solution”

Rubric: 

50 years of the International Communist Current