Preamble

This resolution was adopted in early May 2025 by the 26th Congress of the ICC. As such, it can only take into account events and situations prior to that date. This is obviously the case for any position on the international situation, but in the present case it is particularly important to note this because we are currently witnessing a rapid succession of particularly spectacular and unpredictable events of major importance on the three main levels: imperialist tensions, the economic situation of global capitalism and the balance of forces between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Due to the kind of ‘tsunami’ currently affecting the world, the content and some of the positions taken in this resolution may appear outdated by the time it is published. That is why, beyond the facts mentioned in it, which may be overshadowed by new developments in the situation, it is important that it provides a framework for understanding the causes, significance and stakes of the events unfolding before our eyes.

One of the main factors behind the current upheavals is obviously the inauguration of Donald Trump on 20 January 2025, which led to a spectacular divorce between the United States and almost all European NATO member countries. All the ‘experts’ and bourgeois leaders agree that the new international policy of the American bourgeoisie, particularly with regard to the war in Ukraine, is a major event that marks the end of the ‘Atlantic Alliance’ and the ‘American umbrella’, forcing those formerly under the ‘protection’ of Washington’ to reorganise their military strategy and embark on a frantic arms race. The other major decision of the Trump administration is obviously the launch of a trade war of an intensity not seen in nearly a century. Very quickly, particularly with the wave of panic that swept through the stock markets and financial circles, Trump was forced to partially backtrack, but his brutal and contradictory decisions cannot fail to have an impact on the deterioration of the economic situation of global capitalism. These two fundamental decisions by the Trump administration have been a very important factor in the chaotic development of the global situation. But these decisions must also, and above all, be understood as manifestations of a number of deep historical trends currently at work in global society. Even before the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union (1989-1991), the ICC put forward the analysis that capitalism had entered a new phase of its decadence, ‘the ultimate phase (...) in which decomposition becomes a decisive factor, if not the decisive factor, in the evolution of society’. And the chaotic events of recent months are further confirmation of this reality. The election of Trump, with its catastrophic consequences for the American bourgeoisie itself, is a prime example of the growing inability of the bourgeois class to control its political game, as we predicted 35 years ago. Similarly, the divorce between the United States and its former NATO allies confirms another aspect of our analysis of decomposition: the great difficulty in the current period, if not the impossibility, of forming new imperialist blocs as a prerequisite for a new world war. Finally, another aspect that we have emphasised, particularly since our 22nd Congress in 2017 – the growing impact of the chaos that is increasingly taking hold of the political sphere of the bourgeoisie on its economic sphere – has found further confirmation in the economic upheavals caused by the decisions of the populist Trump.

It is therefore within the framework of our analysis of decomposition that this resolution attempts to examine in greater detail the issues at stake in the current historical period. And this examination must necessarily also consider the consequences for the struggle of the working class of the chaotic events affecting global society.
 

Resolution on the international situation to the 26th ICC Congress
 

1. “…just as capitalism itself traverses different historic periods - birth, ascendancy, decadence - so each of these periods itself consists of several distinct phases. For example, capitalism’s ascendant period can be divided into the successive phases of the free market, shareholding, monopoly, financial capital, colonial conquest, and the establishment of the world market. In the same way, the decadent period also has its history: imperialism, world wars, state capitalism, permanent crisis, and today, decomposition. These are different and successive aspects of the life of capitalism, each one characteristic of a specific phase….” (Theses on Decomposition[1]). The same applies to the phase of decomposition itself, which marked a qualitative step in the development of decadence; this phase is now in its fourth decade, and since the beginning of the 2020s, with the outbreak of the Covid pandemic and the unleashing of murderous wars in Ukraine and the Middle East, it has reached a level of acceleration which marks a further significant step, in which all its various manifestations are inter-acting with and intensifying each other in what we have called the “whirlwind” effect.
    
2. This assessment has been fully confirmed since the 25th ICC Congress: economic crisis, imperialist war, ecological breakdown and a growing loss of control over the bourgeoisie’s own political apparatus are combining together and exacerbating each other, carrying the clear threat of the destruction of humanity. This ‘poly crisis’ is already recognised by some of the most important institutions of the ruling class, as we showed in the report on decomposition adopted by the 25th ICC Congress, but they are powerless to offer any solutions. Instead, the most irrational elements of the ruling class are on the rise, expressed most clearly by Trump’s victory in the US presidential election. Trump is a transparent product of the decomposition of the system, but the ‘shitstorm’ of measures undertaken immediately upon assuming power also demonstrates that the assumption of government office by a populist faction led by a narcissistic adventurer in the most powerful country on the planet will be an active factor in the acceleration of decomposition and the bourgeoisie’s overall loss of control of its own system.
    
3. The factor of imperialist competition and war is at the very heart of this deadly vortex. But contrary to the arguments of the majority of groups in the proletarian political milieu, the whirlwind effect does not bring with it a disciplined march towards new blocs and a third world war. Rather it intensifies the tendency of ‘every man for himself’ which was already becoming dominant in the wake of the collapse of the Russian imperialist bloc and the definitive onset of the period of decomposition at the beginning of the 1990s. As we predicted in a number of fundamental texts written at that time, the demise of the eastern bloc led to the unravelling of the bloc dominated by the US, despite various efforts of American imperialism to impose its authority over its former allies. And we have insisted that this new world disorder would take the form of spreading, intractable and increasingly destructive wars which are no less dangerous than a course towards world war precisely because of the lack of any bloc discipline. The latest moves by the US under Trump embody a new stage in the mounting chaos that dominates imperialist rivalries in the phase of decomposition. And whereas the global disorder unleashed by the collapse of the Russian bloc in 1989-91 was centred around a weaker economic and military power, the fact that the ‘new disorder’ has the world’s leading power at its very heart presages even more profound plunges into chaos in the period ahead.
    
4. The central axis of global imperialist conflict remains the antagonism between the USA and China. At this level there is a strong element of continuity with the Obama and Biden administrations in seeing China as the main rival to US dominance. This shift in the central focus of imperialist antagonisms from western Europe, as it was during the Cold War, to the Pacific region, is an important factor in Trump’s willingness to reduce the ‘defence of Europe’ to a much lower place in US strategy. In a general sense, the policy of containing China by encircling it with regional alliances and imposing limits on its economic expansion will continue, even if the tactical and concrete means may differ. However, the unpredictability of Trump’s approach could bring with it wild swings from attempts to placate Beijing to openly provocative actions around Taiwan. In general, this very unpredictability will act as a further factor in the destabilisation of international relations.
    
5. By contrast, Trump’s policies towards Ukraine represent a real break with the ‘traditional’ foreign policies of the USA, based on vigorous opposition to Russian imperialism. The attempt to come to a deal with Russia over the Ukraine war which shuts out Europe and Ukraine, accompanied by the public humiliation of Zelensky in the White House, marks an important new level in the division between the US and the main powers of Europe, showing how far we are from the formation of a new ‘western bloc’. This divorce is not a merely contingent event, but has much deeper roots. Direct conflict between the US and Europe was already apparent in the war in Yugoslavia in the early 90s, with France and Britain backing Serbia, Germany backing Croatia and the US supporting Bosnia. In today’s culmination of this process, which in 2003 also saw European powers like France and Germany refusing to follow the US into the invasion of Iraq, America is more and more seen as a new enemy, symbolised by US voting with Belarus, North Korea and Russia against a UN resolution on February 24th condemning the Russian invasion, and by the open threats to convert Canada, Greenland and Panama into property of the USA, by military force if need be. At the very least, the US is perceived as an unreliable ally, obliging the European powers to come together in a series of emergency conferences to consider how they can ensure their imperialist ‘defence’ without the USA’s military umbrella. However, the real divisions among these powers – for example between governments run by populist or far right parties which lean towards Russia, and most importantly between France and Germany at the very core of the European Union – should not be underestimated as a further obstacle to the formation of a stable European alliance. And the current US regime will certainly do all it can to increase divisions among the countries of the EU, which Trump has explicitly attacked as a formation that was set up to “screw the USA”.
    
6. At the same time, again in clear discontinuity with the approach of the previous US administration and the main European powers, who have advocated a ‘two state solution’ to the conflict in Israel/Palestine, the Trump regime is openly supporting the annexationist policies of the Israel’s right wing government by removing sanctions against the violent actions of West Bank settlers, appointing Mike Huckabee - who declares that ‘Judaea and Samaria’ were given to Israel by God 3,000 years ago – as US ambassador to Israel, and above all by calling for the ethnic cleansing of nearly two million Palestinians from Gaza and transforming the whole area into a heaven for real estate speculation. These policies, despite their strong admixture of fantasy, can only perpetuate and intensify the conflicts which are already being ramped up and spread throughout the Middle East, most clearly in Yemen, Lebanon and Syria, where the internal war is far from over despite the replacement of the Assad regime, and where Israel has been carrying out more deadly air raids, which are generally perceived as a warning to Turkey. In particular, the blank cheque Trump has handed to the Netanyahu government also contains the likelihood of further direct clashes between Israel and Iran.
    
7. Meanwhile other imperialist conflicts are brewing or already getting worse, particularly in Africa, where the Congo, Libya and Sudan have become veritable theatres of massacre and famine. Africa is another example of local conflicts being fuelled by a bewildering variety of regional states (such as Rwanda in the Congo) and the larger imperialist players (US, France, China, Russia, Turkey, etc) who may be allies in one conflict and enemies in another.
   Even though the hunt for vital raw materials is a key aspect of many of these conflicts, the main characteristic of all these wars is that they bring fewer and fewer benefits either economic or strategic for all their protagonists. Above all they do not point to a solution to the world economic crisis through the devaluation of capital or the reconstruction of ruined economies as it is said by many of the groups of the proletarian political milieu. The economist vision of these groups simply ignores the real direction of capitalism in its final stages – which is towards the destruction of humanity and not a new stage in the cycle of accumulation.
    
8. The growing inter-action between economic crisis and imperialist rivalry, and of the effects of decomposition on the state of the world economy, are both plainly illustrated by the avalanche of tariffs decreed by the Trump regime. This ‘declaration of war’ on the rest of the world’s economies, aimed at close neighbours and former allies as well as avowed enemies, can be seen as an attempt by the US to demonstrate its power as an imperialist giant capable of standing alone without having to answer to any other state or international body. But it is also based on an economic ‘strategy’ which believes that the USA can prosper best by undermining or ruining all its economic rivals. This is a purely suicidal approach which will immediately backfire on the US economy and consumers through rising prices, shortages, plant closures and redundancies. And of course, a severe slump in the US could not fail to have world-wide implications. In particular, a number of economists have warned of the danger of the US defaulting on its enormous national debt, the bulk of which is ‘owned’ by Japan and its main challenger, China; and it is evident that a US default would not only do incalculable damage to the world economy, but would inevitably spill over into the sphere of the imperialist rivalry between the US and China. All this shows that the America First policy of the Trump regime is in complete contradiction with the ‘globalised’ character of the world economy in which the USA itself has been the most active force, in particular following the collapse of the eastern bloc in the early 90s; it also marks a return to protectionist measures which the most powerful bourgeoisies have largely abandoned since they demonstrated their utter failure as a way of dealing with the world economic crisis in the 1930s. The USA’s current attempt to dismantle the last political and military vestiges of the world imperialist order established in 1945 is paralleled by measures that clearly threaten all the global institutions set up in the wake of the Great Depression and World War Two to regulate world trade and contain the crisis of overproduction.
    
9. It thus comes as no surprise that the world’s stock exchanges have reacted to Trump’s tariffs with mounting panic, while numerous economic ‘experts’ have been predicting a world-wide recession, vicious trade wars (which are already taking shape, particularly between the US and China), spiralling inflation and even an “economic nuclear winter”[2]. These reactions obliged Trump to take a step back from some of his economic threats, but there is little confidence that the new US administration can be trusted any longer as a guarantor of economic stability – on the contrary. The fears expressed by the ‘markets’ are well grounded, but revolutionaries must also make it clear that while they are certainly a severely aggravating factor in the deepening economic crisis, they are not its ultimate cause. The underlying disease of the world economy must be traced to the world crisis of overproduction, which has in essence been permanent since 1914 and which also has an evolving history behind the extreme point it is now reaching. Well before the announcement of the Trump tariffs, the world’s leading economies, notably Germany and China, as well as the US, were already sinking into an economic morass, expressed by factory closures in leading industries, unmanageable levels of debt, rising prices in many countries, growing youth unemployment and so on. The end of the Chinese ‘economic miracle’ is particularly significant because, in contrast to the situation created by the financial meltdown of 2008, China will no longer be able to play the role of ‘world locomotive’.
    
10. The world crisis of overproduction, as Rosa Luxemburg predicted, results from the shrinking of an ‘outside’ for capitalism to expand into. These areas of pre-capitalist economy were still considerable when Luxemburg advanced her thesis, and they still held some possibilities in the phase of ‘globalisation’, notably through the capitalising of China and other Far Eastern economies. But today, even if capitalists continue to cast hungry eyes on remaining pre-capitalist economic areas, notably in India and Africa, it will be increasingly difficult to exploit them because of the acceleration of decomposition through local wars and ecological destruction. Other ‘superstructural’ elements also enter into the system’s historic impasse:
    
    a)  The enormous weight of global debt, the medication for overproduction which can only poison the patient, and which, as in 2008, constantly threatens to explode in the form of massive financial instability. And, as the ICC already noted in the 1980s, we are witnessing the growth of a ‘casino economy’, taking the form of unrestrained speculation and expressing a growing gap between real value and fictional capital. A striking example of this is the spread of bitcoin and similar ‘cryptocurrencies’, designed to evade centralised control and thus acting as another potentially destabilising factor for the world economy.
    
    b)  The mounting impact of ecological disasters, which have become an increasingly destructive ‘production cost’.
    
    c)  The exponential growth of the refugee problem, frequently the product of war and ecological catastrophe, and which is confronting the bourgeoisie with an insoluble problem, since on the one hand it cannot afford to integrate this mass of migrants into an ailing economy, while on the other it cannot afford to lose this source of cheap labour and will find that a policy of forced deportations such as the Trump administration has now set in motion will cost billions to carry out.
    
    d)  Above all, as the drive to war intensifies, the world economy is more and more compelled to bear the enormous weight of the growing impact of militarism, which may at some moments give the illusion of ‘economic growth’ but which, as the Gauche Communiste de France already pointed out in the aftermath of World War II, represents a pure loss for global capital. And open warfare itself has a direct impact on the world economy, typified by the increase in shipping costs resulting from direct attacks on ships in the Black Sea and the Red Sea

The inevitable result of the deepening crisis, and in particular the development of a war economy, will be unprecedented attacks on the living conditions of the proletariat and impoverished masses. The bourgeoisie in European countries is already talking openly about the need for more welfare cuts to pay for ‘defence spending’.​

11. At the level of the ecological crisis, the never-ending rounds of international conferences have failed to bring the world any closer towards its carbon reduction commitments, on the contrary: the 1.5 degree target for limiting rising temperatures has already been declared dead by a number of climate scientists. Year upon year solid scientific research provides clear indicators that the climate crisis is already here: each year is declared the ‘hottest on record’, the melting of the polar ice-caps reaches new and genuinely alarming levels, more and more plants and animal species are disappearing, such as the insects which are indispensable to the food chain and to the process of pollination. Moreover, the crisis is not only evident in the countries of the ‘periphery’, adding to the global refugee crisis as more and more regions of the planet are rendered uninhabitable by drought or flooding. It is now moving from the peripheries to the centres, as shown by the wildfires in California and floods in Germany and Spain. Trump’s denial of any such thing as the climate crisis has immediately been enshrined in the work of the new administration: the very term climate change is removed from government documents, and funding for research into the problem is drastically cut; restrictions on emissions and fossil fuel extraction projects are removed under the banner of “drill baby drill”; the USA pulls out of international agreements on climate. All this will give a new and world-wide impetus to the denialist world-view, a central plank of the populist parties which are everywhere on the rise. The same applies to the USA’s withdrawal from the World Health Organisation and the appointment of Robert Kennedy, a committed anti-vaxxer, to the leadership of the US health departmentat a time when we are facing the threat of new pandemics (such as avian flu). Such pandemics are another product of the breakdown in the relationship between humanity and nature which capitalism has taken to its furthest point in history. These head-in-the-sand measures will only increase the danger. But the populists’ suicidal attitude to the mounting ecological crisis is at root only a reflection of the utter impotence of all factions of the ruling class in the face of the destruction of nature, since none of them can exist without a commitment to endless ‘growth’ (ie, accumulation at any cost), even when they pretend that there is no contradiction between capitalist growth and green policies. Neither can the bourgeoisie as a class develop truly global solutions to the ecological crisis, the only ones that make any sense. No faction of the ruling class can transcend the national framework, any more than it can call for an end to the accumulation of capital. Thus, the advance of the ecological crisis can only accelerate the tendency towards chaotic military conflicts as each nation tries to salvage what it can faced with dwindling resources and mounting disasters. And the reverse is also true: war, as has already been measured in the conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East, is itself a growing factor in the ecological catastrophe, whether through the huge carbon emissions needed to produce and maintain military equipment, or through the poisoning of the air and soil by the use of ever-more destructive weaponry, which in many cases is a deliberate tactic aimed at weakening the enemy’s food supplies or other resources. Meanwhile the menace of nuclear disaster – either through the destruction of nuclear power stations or the actual use of tactical nuclear weapons – is always looming in the background. The interaction between war and ecological crisis is another patent illustration of the whirlwind effect.

12. The return of Trump is a classic expression of the political failure of those factions of the ruling class who have a more lucid understanding of the needs of the national capital; it is thus a clear expression of a more general loss of political control by the US bourgeoisie, but this is a world-wide tendency and it is particularly significant that the populist wave is having an impact in other central countries of capitalism: thus we have seen the rise of the AfD in Germany, of Le Pen’s RN in France, and Reform in the UK. Populism is the expression of a faction of the bourgeoisie but its incoherent and contradictory policies express a growing nihilism and irrationality which does not serve the overall interests of the national capital. The case of Britain, which has been ruled by one of the most intelligent and experienced bourgeoisies, shooting itself in the foot through Brexit is a clear example. Trump’s domestic and foreign policies will be no less damaging for US capitalism: at the level of foreign policy, by fuelling conflicts with its former allies while courting its traditional enemies, but also domestically, through the impact of its self-destructive economic ‘programme’. Above all, the campaign of revenge against the ‘deep state’ and ‘liberal elites’, the targeting of minority groups and the ‘war on woke’ will stir up confrontations between factions of the ruling class which could take on an extremely violent character in a country where an enormous proportion of population own weapons; the assault on the Capitol on January 6, 2021, would pale into insignificance in comparison. And we can already see, in embryo, the beginnings of a reaction by parts of the bourgeoisie who have most to lose from Trump’s policies (for example, the state of California, Harvard University, etc). Such conflicts carry the threat of dragging in the wider population and represent an extreme danger to the working class, its efforts to defend its class interests and forge its unity against all the divisions inflicted on it by the disintegration of bourgeois society. The recent “Hands Off” demonstrations organised by the left wing of the Democratic Party are a clear example of this danger, since they succeeded in channelling certain working class sectors and demands into an overall defence of democracy against the dictatorship of Trump and consorts. Again, while these internal conflicts may be particularly sharp in the USA, they are the product of a much wider process. Decadent capitalism has long relied on the state apparatus to prevent such antagonisms from tearing society apart, and in the phase of decomposition the capitalist state is equally forced to resort to the most dictatorial measures to maintain its rule. And yet at the same time, when the state machine itself is riven by violent internal conflicts, there is a powerful thrust towards a situation where “the centre cannot hold, mere anarchy is loosed upon the world” as the poet WB Yeats put it. The ‘failed states’ we are seeing most vividly in the Middle East, Africa or the Caribbean present an image of what is already brewing in the most developed centres of the system. In Haiti, for example, the official state machine is increasingly powerless in the face of competing criminal gangs, and in parts of Africa inter-gang competition has risen to the height of ‘civil war’. But in the US itself, the current domination of the state by the Trump clan more and more resembles the rule of a mafia, with its open espousal of the methods of blackmail and threat.

13. The irrationality expressed by populism is at root an expression of the irrationality of a system which has long outlived its usefulness for humanity. It is therefore inevitable that the whole of decomposing bourgeois society will be increasingly gripped by a plague of mental illness which frequently expresses itself in murderous violence. The spread of terrorist atrocities from major war-zones to the capital cities of the West was one of the first signs of the advent of the phase of decomposition, but the coupling of terrorist activity with the most irrational ideologies has become increasingly apparent as this phase has advanced and accelerated. Thus, the ideologies which most often inspire terrorist acts, whether perpetrated by radical Islamists or neo-Nazis, are only a concentrated expression of beliefs that are much more widespread, notably beliefs in all kinds of conspiracy theories and in an impending apocalypse, all of which offer a dangerously distorted picture of capitalism’s real mode of operation and its actual slide towards the abyss. It is also characteristic that some of the most recent acts of mass murder – such as the use of cars as weapons in the cities of Germany, or the horrible murders of children in Southport which sparked off the racist riots in Britain in the summer of 2024 – have been more or less detached from any actual terrorist organisations and even from any justifying ideology, expressing rather the suicidal impulses of profoundly disturbed individuals. Elsewhere such impulses take the form of mounting violence against women, sexual minorities and children. It is evident that the working class is not immune from this plague and that it acts as a direct counter to the needs of the class struggle: the need for solidarity and unity and for a coherent thought which can lead to a real understanding of how capitalism works and where it is going.  

14. The pole leading towards chaos and collapse is thus becoming increasingly visible. But there is another pole, that of the class struggle, demonstrated by the ‘rupture’ since 2022, which is not a flash in the pan, but has a historical depth founded on the undefeated nature of the proletariat in the main centres of the system and the reality of a long process of subterranean maturation. But it also continues to take a much more overt form, as the example of Belgium shows. In the US, Trump’s policies will lead to a rapid increase in inflation, undermining promises made to workers in particular; and the attempt to slash government jobs is already giving rise to some embryonic class resistance. In Europe, the bourgeoisie’s demand for sacrifice in the name of boosting the machinery of war will certainly encounter serious resistance from an undefeated working class. The class movements that characterise the rupture re-affirm the centrality of the economic crisis as the main stimulant of the class struggle. But at the same time, the proliferation of war and the increasing cost of the war economy, above all in the main countries of Europe, will be an important factor in the future politicisation of the struggle, in which the working class will be able to make a clear link between the sacrifices demanded by the war economy and the growing attacks on its living standards, and eventually to integrate all the other threats coming from decomposition into a struggle against the system as a whole.

15. Despite the depth of the new phase in the class struggle, it is vital not to conceive its development as parallel to and independent from the pole of chaos and destruction. This is most evident in the real danger that the working class will be increasingly disoriented by the effects of social atomisation, growing irrationality and nihilism; where it will find it hard to avoid being drawn into the visceral rage and frustration of a general population reacting against disasters, repression, corruption, social insecurity and violence, as we have seen in the recent protests and revolts in the USA, Serbia, Turkey, Israel and elsewhere. The ruling class is fully capable of using the effects of the decomposition of its own system against the working class: exploitation of ‘cultural’ divisions (woke versus anti-woke, etc); partial struggles reacting to the deepening of oppression and discrimination against certain layers of society; anti-migration campaigns, etc. Especially dangerous are the renewed ‘democratic resistance’ campaigns against the ‘danger of fascism, authoritarianism and oligarchies’, the aim of which is to divert anger against a sinking system towards the Trumps, Musks, Le Pens and the rest of the populists and the far right, who are merely a caricatural expression of capitalism’s putrefaction. The right wing of the bourgeoisie can also make its appeals to democracy in the face of the machinations of the ‘deep state’, one of Trump’s favourite themes now being echoed in France following the judicial decision to bar Le Pen from standing in the next presidential election. But the ‘defence of democracy’ is the particular speciality of the left and far-left wing of the political apparatus. Moreover, in anticipation to the development of the class struggle, the far-left and the trade unions have radicalised their language and attitude: we are seeing the Trotskyists and official anarchists holding the banner of a fake internationalism vis-à-vis the Ukraine and Gaza wars, and sometimes the left has assumed the leadership of the trade unions as happened in the struggles in the UK. We will also see a renovation of their discourse and activity in the years to come, aimed at channelling the potential for the maturation of proletarian consciousness, which necessarily goes through an uneven process of advances and retreats, onto a bourgeois terrain which can only lead to defeat and demoralisation.

16. The rupture with the passivity of the past few decades also stimulates the process of reflection on an international scale amongst different layers of the class, particularly evident in the form of the emergence of searching minorities. It is in this area that we most clearly observe the capacity of the working class to pose more far-ranging questions about the future of this system, particularly around the question of war and internationalism. However, the potential of these minorities to evolve towards revolutionary positions remains fragile, due to a number of dangers:

• The radicalisation of a number of leftist tendencies, particular the Trotskyists.
• The influence of parasitism as a destructive force which aims to build a cordon sanitaire against the communist left, appearing to act ‘from the inside’, and nourished by the ambience of decomposition.
• The persistent influence of opportunism in the real proletarian political milieu, which deforms the role of the organisation and opens the way to tolerating the penetration of alien ideologies into the proletariat.

Revolutionary activity is meaningless without the struggle to construct a political organisation able to struggle against the dominant ideology in all its forms. The period ahead requires the elaboration of a lucid analysis of the evolution of the international situation, an ability to anticipate what will be the central dangers faced by the proletariat, but also to recognise the real development of the struggle and of class consciousness, in particular when the latter evolves in a largely ‘subterranean’ manner which will be missed by those who are fixated on immediate appearances.

Revolutionary organisations must act as a pole of attraction for searching elements and as a lighthouse of programmatic and organisational clarity, based on the historical acquisitions of the communist left. They must understand that the work of building a bridge to the future world party is a combat that will be carried out over a long period and will demand a persistent struggle against the impact of capitalist decomposition in its own ranks through concessions to democratism, localism, each for themselves etc. The persistence of a deep opportunism and sectarianism within the proletarian milieu emphasises the unique responsibility of the ICC in the effort to prepare the conditions for the emergence of the party of the communist revolution.

ICC, 10/5/2025