We are at a historic crossroads that has finally shattered the illusions of a stable postwar order that emerged after 1989. What we are currently witnessing with all the current wars is not a temporary conflict, but a qualitative intensification of the imperialist contradictions that have thrust capitalism into its era of decadence and accelerated decomposition. The breakdown of the Transatlantic Alliance, which is taking place during Trump’s second term, is not the result of personal misconduct on the part of the U.S. president, but rather the expression of a systemic necessity: the U.S. is withdrawing as the "guarantor of security", essentially withdrawing from NATO in an attempt to address its own existential crises and top priorities, forcing its former vassals and allies to bear the costs of a crumbling system on their own. However, with its policies, the U.S. can only keep adding fuel to the fire and further escalate one conflict after another.
For Germany, this means the loss of the protective U.S. umbrella against Russia and the need to redefine its own military identity. It is a return to the reality that prevailed between the world wars: a country in a geo-strategically central location that is obliged to use force to assert its imperialist ambitions in order to maintain its place in the global dog-eat-dog world. But this path is marked by countless contradictions. The rapid militarisation it is undertaking has been described as a “turning point” What is being celebrated is not only the fastest military buildup in Europe, but also the harbinger of a profound social assault on the working class.
1. Imperialism as an expression of decadence
To understand current dynamics, we must shift our focus from day-to-day politics to the fundamental laws of capitalism. It was the left wing of the Social Democratic Party of that time, centered around Rosa Luxemburg, that was able to initiate a deeper analysis, which Rosa Luxemburg would then elaborate upon in her 1913 work The Accumulation of Capital. As Karl Radek had already analyzed in “Our Struggle Against Imperialism” in 1912, imperialism is not merely the “foreign policy of a collapsing capitalism,” but the inevitable consequence of capitalist accumulation in its stage of decadence. Decadent capitalism, having left its phases of growth behind, was forced to redivide the world in order to secure the maintenance of its hegemony, and this was not possible without a corresponding imperialist policy. As Rosa Luxemburg wrote in The Junius Pamphlet in 1915: “Imperialism is not the creation of any one or of any group of states. It is the product of a particular stage of ripeness in the world development of capital, an innately international condition, an indivisible whole, that is recognisable only in all its relations, and from which no nation can hold aloof at will.” [1] [1]
Radek emphasised at the time that the German bourgeoisie, due to the belated formation of its nation-state and of its industrialisation, played a particularly aggressive role in this process. Today, this story is repeating itself—not as a farce, but as a tragic necessity—though, of course, under different circumstances.
While the U.S. is currently attempting to salvage its waning hegemony through destabilisation in the Middle East and the Pacific, Germany, at the heart of Europe, is pushing for a reorientation. The rift between the U.S. and Europe is the first step in a process in which Germany is forced to assert its imperialist interests independently—and thus, if necessary, even against the interests of its former allies. The drive toward militarisation today is not a political choice, but a historical necessity from which the German bourgeoisie cannot escape. In the era of capitalist decay, war has lost its function as an engine of economic expansion and has become a permanent way of life for society. As a geo-strategically central, landlocked country in Europe, Germany is under particular pressure in this regard: without the protection of its own ocean or a stable bloc leader, it is forced to redefine its imperialist and military existence in order not to lose ground in the global competition. Every national bourgeoisie—and especially the German one—must expand its power to secure its position; the “turning point” is thus not an expression of free political choice, but the inevitable reaction to the systemic crisis of capitalism.
2. From a frontline state and military restrictions to the new aspiration to become a leading power
Today’s militarisation stands in sharp contrast to the role Germany played after 1945. During the era of the bloc structure, Germany was the potential main theater of war and a bulwark in the Cold War, but it was a state without sovereignty. The Bundeswehr was primarily conceived as a territorial army, equipped with tanks and troops to ward off the Soviet threat, but completely dependent on the presence of U.S., British, and French forces. Germany was, in a sense, a military dwarf at sea and in the air; it possessed no capabilities of its own for out-of-area operations and no navy or air force of global significance.
The illusion that emerged after 1989, when the Russian army withdrew from East Germany and the bloc boundaries disappeared, was the notion of peaceful integration and economic dominance without military means. The German bourgeoisie believed it could assert itself in Eastern Europe through economic means, while military capabilities were being dismantled. Mandatory military service was abolished, barracks fell into disrepair, and U.S. troops reduced their presence. Yet this period was merely a historical interlude made possible by the implosion of the Soviet Union and the Eastern Bloc.
With the accelerated decline of the U.S., the war it provoked in Ukraine, and Russia’s return as a military power, this illusion collapsed. The “turning point” of 2022 marked the beginning of a new phase in which Germany is forced to rebuild its military infrastructure from the ground up and rearm at all costs. But unlike the U.S. or France, which possess global projection capabilities and nuclear weapons, Germany remains essentially confined to the European theater. Its navy is limited mainly to the Baltic and North Seas, and its air force relies on support from NATO.
Nevertheless, the German bourgeoisie strives to become the number one power in Europe. In doing so, it finds itself caught in a deep contradiction: on the one hand, it is attempting to equip the EU with a military arm ‘through the back door’; on the other hand, it is also driven by an ‘every man for himself’ mentality, which brings it into conflict particularly with its close partner, France. While France seeks to defend its dominant role in joint projects such as FCAS (fighter jets) and KNDS (tanks), the German bourgeoisie is increasingly trying to push through its own position—a contradiction that undermines European defense cooperation. At the same time, bilateral partnerships are being forged with India, Japan, and South Korea, and the list of countries that are equally important for a ‘privileged’ relationship—or that are striving for one, such as Turkey—is long. But its main focus must be on Europe, and here the current confrontation with Russia is the defining factor. The U.S. has provoked this process, forced a break with Russia, pushed for distancing from China, and continues to do everything it can to weaken Europe. But this is also provoking a counter-movement: Germany is rearming, while the economic foundation on which these ambitions rest is already faltering.
3. Militarisation is impossible without an attack on the working class
For Germany, militarisation means even greater, massive debt (on top of the debt already accumulated) and the necessity of severe social cuts. The federal government has already driven the national debt up to 2.8 trillion euros, and plans for an unlimited increase in defense spending will cause these figures to skyrocket once again. This is not a sign of strength, but a desperate attempt to maintain its position—and even expand it into a military leadership role—by fleeing into boundless militarisation amid brutally intensifying imperialist rivalries and the ever-increasing pressure of the economic crisis. The consequences are catastrophic for the working class. The “ecological transition,” of course, is also being sacrificed to free up funds for tanks and aircraft. The automotive industry, once the backbone of the German economy, is already in an existential crisis that will sooner or later lead to the collapse of certain companies. Thousands of jobs are being lost, and fears of further plant closures are growing. Corporations such as Volkswagen and Daimler-Benz, which traditionally relied on civilian production, are now pushing into arms production. They want to profit from militarisation, but this means transforming the entire economy into a war economy.
The “turning point” is no longer merely a military one, but a social one as well. The bourgeoisie knows it has no alternative but to launch social attacks. The demand to raise the retirement age to 70 is a blatant attack on the living conditions of the working class. Spending on healthcare, education, and social security systems is being cut to finance military spending. Working hours are being extended, and the right to early retirement is being undermined. But time is running out. The cuts will soon be felt. Added to this are the effects of growing economic chaos due to escalating global imperialist tensions (the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz), and the pressure on the working class will increase. The militarisation of civil society is advancing: A 10-billion DM plan to strengthen “civil defense” has been announced, which will overhaul infrastructure, logistics, cybersecurity, and other areas. This heralds a society being prepared for war, in which the needs of the population are subordinated to the logic of the war economy. As is the case internationally, the bourgeoisie is in the midst of a deep crisis of credibility. The established parties—the CDU, SPD, Greens, and FDP—have no answer to the crisis other than austerity and rearmament. The “firewall” against the AfD (“Alternative for Germany”) is crumbling, and this populist party is growing, fueled by the anger of the population and the powerlessness of the established forces. Yet the AfD offers no solution, only another form of oppression and mystification. The bourgeoisie knows that its ‘solutions’ are fueling social unrest, but it has no alternative.
A turning point for the working class
We stand at a crossroads. Imperialist conflicts are escalating, the economic crisis is deepening, the bourgeoisie is pursuing an increasingly short-sighted, aggressive, and irrational course, and the working class is under attack as never before. For the ruling class, this “turning point” is a necessity to secure its power. For the working class, it is a declaration of war against their living conditions.
The illusion that this course can be reversed through a change in political leadership or ‘democratisation’ is dangerous. The problem is not Trump, Merz, or the AfD, but the capitalist system itself, which thrives on exploitation and war. Militarisation is an expression of the decadence of capitalism, which is driving towards its own destruction.
The task of the working class is clear: we must defend our own class interests and not line up behind bourgeois slogans in “popular fronts.” We must link the struggle against social attacks with the struggle against war. The international solidarity of the working class is the only weapon we have to fight against the imperialist powers and their wars.
Pandora’s box has been opened. Capitalism is leading us into the abyss. Only the revolutionary struggle of the exploited class can save humanity. A turning point has arrived—not for the bourgeoisie, but for the working class, which must refuse to be the victims of imperialist barbarism.
May 25, 2026, Weltrevolution