Ukraine: battlefield for imperialist powers

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GUERRE DE CLASSE
Ukraine: battlefield for imperialist powers
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GUERRE DE CLASSE
Ukraine: only action of proletariat can stop nationalist threate

http://www.autistici.org/tridnivalka/ukraine-only-action-of-proletariat-can-stop-nationalist-threatening-with-war/
http://www.autistici.org/tridnivalka/wp-content/uploads/ukraine-only-action-of-proletariat-can-stop-nationalist-threatening-with-war.pdf

CLASS WAR
March/April 2014

Ukraine: only action of proletariat can stop nationalist threatening with war
 
Mass protests in Ukraine, which were sparked by not signing the association agreement and a free trade agreement with EU by President Yanukovych, have lasted for more than three months now and have esca-lated to nationalist hysteria, threatening with weapons, both from Russian side and by the protests strengthened mostly West-oriented Ukraine opposition. For example, neo-fascist Svoboda (Freedom) Party, which emerged from the protests boosted thanks to their organization not only on the barricades of Maidan and which has obtained five ministerial posts in the new government, including Deputy Prime Minister and general attorney, would like to insure the position of Ukraine with accession to the NATO structures and with renewal of nuclear arsenal. This launched a game that teeters on the edge of open military conflict, could be the beginning of a global war of destruction of forming imperialist blocks, which would be built over the existing economic and political alliances.

For Russia may support of Russian nationalism in East-ern Ukraine and Crimea be part of the larger geopolitical game tarnishing its recently injured position as the imperialist super-power, specifically after the loss of its influence in Libya (where because of the Gaddafi’s fall, in which Western super-powers were engaged, Russia lost a possible naval base) and potential loss of the last Russian naval base in the Mediterranean in Syrian Tartus, if Russia and Iran supported Bashar Assad would be defeated. The development regarding the Crimea may follow the same scenario as in the case of occupation of territories of South Ossetia or Abkhazia. It may also be a tactic to get to the head of the Ukrainian state elements such as the now mostly discredited Tymoshenko, which already have in the past emerged as being able to communicate with Putin. Ukrainian bourgeoisie is lobbying in the EU and in the USA for a strong response to Russia, but the EU mainly due to Germany and its economic interests and energy needs, will in effect remain with toothless verbal threats. To set off an imaginary powder keg it will take steps and conspiracies of the USA and Russia itself, probably through the exploitation of nationalist militias, of which exist on both sides too many.

Either way, one thing is clear. The nationalist hysteria and direction of the whole development show that the proletariat – a collective wage worker - in this storyline plays the role of extras unable to express its own inter-ests and its resistance to be mobilized for the interests of the national bourgeoisie as potential cannon fodder.

Initial protests, that began in November 2013, were by their nature peaceful protests of students, urban “middle strata”, the petty bourgeoisie and minority of workers, an image of inter-class civil society, for whom the signing of association agreements with the EU was a move closer to the standards of living of more western Europe, either directly through the visa policy easing, or through the false dream of Western Europe as a paradise without corruption, high wages, social security, honest politicians, law, clean streets... So, except some material dimension at least for inhabitants of western Ukraine through bourgeois ideology mediated idea of a better material life. Polarization the EU versus the former pro-Russian president Yanukovych has characterized the protests by strong anti-Russians sentiments since the beginning, as an expression of resistance against today’s post-Soviet reality. After violent and sadistic police attack during early December days, protests spread, multiplied, attracted interest of working masses and got transformed into general anti-government and pro-democracy protests.

Starvation wages, the average wage is less than 200 Euros, contrasts with fabulous wealth of oligarchs and political elites connected with them, are the material basis for indignation of the masses, even more intensified with the impact of the global financial crisis of 2008-2009, that hit Ukraine with 15% decrease of GDP. Ironically, it was “ousted”, for embezzlement repeatedly accused, President Yanukovych belonging to Donetsk oligarchs, who stopped some unpopular austerity measures applied by previous political elites of the so called Orange Revolution supported by the West, led by “The Gas Princess” Tymoshenko, herself also belonging to oligarchs, whose former business partner of the time of her tenure at the energy company, Pavol Lazarenko is currently imprisoned in the U.S. for money laundering. History of post-Soviet Ukrainian politics is defined by changing oligarchic clans at the head of the state and the struggle between them.

The growing economic problems of Ukraine and the pressure of the imperialist powers to decide which block Ukraine would join, moved Yanukovych into an unenviable situation. The signing of the Association Agreement with the EU would for the proletariat Ukraine mean applying austerity measures. The signing could potentially, among other things, make Russia react in the way that would complicate cross-border labour migration for hundreds of thousands of Eastern Ukrainians and would probably cause also Yanukovych’s political death anyway, even though Yanukovych has been “buying” some parts of the population till now, as in the case of favouring Eastern Ukraine and mining Donetsk. Yet even withdrawal from the signing, which was supported by a prompt agreement on Russian financial injection caused immediate impetus for the mobilization of opposition forces against Yanukovych. President’s arrogance, violence by the police, kidnapping and murders at the hands of government paramilitary groups, all that have mobilized against the government the masses, whose “common sense” in the absence of proletarian organization structures has been based on nationalist fundamental assumptions. Opposition factions with themes of national unity, national democracy, national coalition against Yanukovych, has used well nationalism as a tool to prevent penetration of topics of everyday material reality of the proletariat. Even “spotless” boxing cham-pion Klitschko, whose centre-right UDAR made its exis-tence thanks to the funding from the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation, linked to Merkel and her CDU, also plays the tone of nationalism with his campaign “Do not worry, you are Ukrainian”. Neo-fascist Tyahnybok whose Svoboda party uses pro-Western democratization in a populist way purely for their political gains, belongs with Klitschko and Tymoshenko’s Yatsenyuk to the leaders of so-called anti-Yanukovych revolution.

With approval of repressive laws (Article 206 of the Criminal Codex) at the 16th January by Yanukovych’s MPs, prosecuting so-called extremism, defined as acts inciting social conflicts, has mobilized even more masses into the protests with pro-democratic sentiments. An idea of better democracy does not correspond with the positions of Svoboda party and even with more extreme and more violent Right sector, however, it was these two neo-fascist groups that have played a crucial role in fighting on Maidan barricades, for which they have earned respect among the masses, enhanced with the fact that in connection with the new anti-extremist law the defenders of the barricades had no choice – either to go and face upcoming “cleansing” from the hands of spe-cial paramilitary squads and state prosecution for illegal military formation with charges of 2 to 15 years in prison or to hold on and believe in the fall of Yanukovych.

Since 23rd of January the Maidan movement had occu-pied governmental buildings in Kiev, Lviv, Ternopil, Uzhhorod, Khmelnytskyi, Chernivtsi, Ivano-Frankivsk, Rivne, Zaporozhye, Poltava, Vinnytsia and other cities, elsewhere protesters blocked access to buildings, but did not take a control of them. Important roads were also blocked. Governors of several large cities were forced by the crowd to resign, others fled, villa of gover-nor of Uzhhorod was burnt down. Occupied buildings were used as field hospitals, canteens and dormitories, but the movement did not use them to equip itself with discussion and decision-making bodies. Attempts to establish general assemblies and councils “without poli-ticians” failed or came under the control of the opposi-tion parties. Democratic opposition finally, despite not being very keen on the occupations since the beginning and even claimed that it is a provocation, determined the agenda of occupied space or worse, they assumed their management. They also prevent spontaneous destruction of documents and demolishing of equipment in occupied governmental buildings. In some cases (like in Lviv) the protesters partially released the occupied building in order “to allow officials to work”. And finally, it was right the opposition that pushed to end of the occupations as it was one of the conditions for the amnesty that it had previously negotiated.

The movement didn’t try to block the Ukrainian econ-omy, there are no traces of sabotages or strikes On the contrary, we could see the proletarians, who took vaca-tion so they could participate to demonstrations, or oth-ers who were coming to camp in Maidan after a twelve-hour shift and leaving in the morning to go back to work.

What will an ordinary observer of events in the Ukraine probably stick in his memory the most, are the huge clashes between demonstrators and police, the streets filled with smoke from burning barricades and tear gas from police reserves, and particularly the immense bru-tality of the repression forces, 112 dead and more than 2,000 injured on the side of the demonstrators. But mass dimension of the protests sparked the fire of contradictions even among the elite units of Berkut designated for repression of riots. Some protesters tried to fraternize with the Robocops already in November and December, when they offered them food and warm drinks. But only the fact that more and more people joined the movement triggered that the members of repressive forces started to join the side of the demonstrators either because they shared their criticism of governmental power, or because they simply refused to shoot into the crowd where their friends and relatives were standing. Since the moment when there appeared a danger that Yanukovych’s government deploys army against demonstrators, groups composed of soldiers’ families but also complete strangers were set up, which were trying to discuss with soldiers in front of the barracks and to persuade them to refuse to participate in a possible crackdown on demonstrators.

Svoboda party and the Right sector gained points be-cause of present nationalism and their preparedness and organization and their pre-existing violent structures. Traditional opposition parties are largely discredited and therefore Svoboda and Right sector appear as uncorrupted groupings, where Svoboda seems to be more radical alternative for outraged “unblemished public” (a parallel with Greek Golden Dawn comes to a mind) and Right sector with its mix of Nazism and anti-capitalism is more sexy for the youth. The chairman of the Right sector, that is now transforming itself into a political party, became deputy head of the National Security and Defence Council and announced that he will run for president of Ukraine.

In the context of nationalism, anti-Russian and pro-democracy sentiment during protests and with the ab-sence of any explicitly articulated direct economic topics of the exploited masses, it is hardly shocking that the new government that came out of the protests appointed two billionaire oligarchs – one that runs his business from Switzerland – as new governors in Donetsk and Dnepropetrovsk in the East. Now the ruling opposition intends to introduce as soon as possible the implementation of austerity measures and social changes in dictate of the EU, the IMF, which will even further empty the pockets of the proletarians, as elucidated by Klitschko: “It is essential that we begin with the reforms. We need to help our economy that every day falls into bigger and bigger problems. We cannot wait another day...” Ukrainian bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia are confident in their shoes, the material interests of the proletariat are effectively denied with the interest of the nation, national economy, as it is the case in other parts of the world. Not only because of this Ukraine is not an isolated battle, but a part of the global capitalist system and therefore a target of the same anti-proletarian austerity measures and resistance against them.

However, neither the position of the so called democ-ratic opposition is very solid. It did not enjoy clear popu-larity within Maidan movement; on the contrary, it is seen by many as a bunch of opportunists always ready to betray the protest movement that brought it to power. Many of those who participated in the demonstrations now remember that many representatives of the “new” power once already governed the country. To name just one, the current Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, already occupied the post of Minister of Economy and Foreign Minister in one of the post orange-revolution governments. He, like other opposition leaders, was booed several times at demonstrations; Vitali Klitschko was even attacked by protesters. Freshly released Tymoshenko also enjoyed lukewarm reception at Maidan, her speech sparked a wave of indignation and had to be interrupted several times. Criticism of political parties is however limited to similar expressions and moods, and at this point it seems that it does not develop further.

Few and far between proletarian groups and militants, who intervened in the protests, who stood on positions against nationalism and did not join any of the compet-ing bourgeois parties and who tried to articulate mate-rial interests of the proletariat during protests and thereby influence protests’ direction, were either at-tacked by the extreme right or were seen by masses as pro-Russian provocateurs. One cannot ignore sadism, kidnapping and murders committed by members of Yanukovich’s state apparatus, but all those activists (class, trade union, feminist...), which currently got per-haps at worst broken a few bones by neo-fascists on the Maidan, are harbingers of the neo-fascist attack on the activities of exploited and oppressed. The fact that there were standing individuals of Jewish origin and of other post-Soviet nationalities next to fascists on barricades, that the popularity of extreme right between people of Maidan is overestimated are just a few non-essential details of the development; as little essential as a general indifference to the main opposition trio, as the existence of by the opposition unapproved occupations of government buildings and as the general mood of self-organization on the Maidan.

When neo-fascists, who are not supported by the major-ity for their fascist ideals, but as representatives of na-tional independence, are able without resistance of the “unblemished public” violently smash social critique, although very isolated, led from proletarian positions or emancipatory efforts of various minorities, as well as when they are already entrenched existing political structures which are actually in charge of the daily life of Maidan, in addition to the general spirit of a will for individual participation and to the limited space for self-organization (the opposition does not have to bring 300 flags everyday as in days of the Orange Revolution to present its dominance), it is obvious that these are not a ideas and ideals carried in individual heads, what determine the socio-political dynamics and direction (Maidan) of movement.

The presence of proletarians who were part the Maidan movement, of course, grows from the fertile soil of social contradictions. Their direct material interests, as we said in the beginning, stand behind their participation and their actions. However, in absence of collective articulation of economic interests within a framework of the wage worker as a social class, action and will take place at the level of individual at the mercy of the whole machinery of bourgeois ideology domination. And individualism, as well as nationalism has always been a part of bourgeois ideology closely connected with the present mode of production and consumption, its language and the whole tangle of social relations. Collective action, of proletarians, is also led by economic interests, but differs in that that the process of development from an impulse, action, will to fight, to class consciousness and possible theoretical understanding of - the class division of society, capitalist exploitation of wage labour and therefore its revolutionary overcome – is gaining enormous dy-namics for reverse criticism and theorization. Now no longer from a position of an isolated individual, but thanks to collective impulses and more powerful reac-tions from a position of forming mass revolutionary class – the proletariat - the only class that is able to solve poverty, extortion, police terror and imperialist wars, senseless waste and the apparent scarcities for all masses (including the original initiators Maidan) by destruction of capitalism.

We do not want to submit here a bombastic analysis of economic, political, historical context which have influ-enced Maidan and the current nationalist hysteria. The fact is that without the existence of everyday proletarian resistance, struggle for their economic interests, without a structure and an organization, the proletariat as an independent actor in such a mass protest like Maidan is weak and faces attack of its class enemies. Individual proletarians and sectors can be “bought”, split, incite against each other using a national, ethnic, gender, racial affiliation.

Mass events, not only Maidan, show significant experi-ence that being indifferent to the everyday struggles of the class, to take distance from their “limited” level and to improvise during a “big” movement is a fatal mistake, when it may already be too late for any attempts to in-fluence class direction. Therefore it is important, that already now real class militants contribute to the politi-cal direction of the class and do not wait with this prac-tice until the time when “the situation requires it”, and when it will be honour for them to trumpet pompously the revelation of a need for political leadership with an illusion that after they roll up their sleeves and begin this work and present the historical lessons of the prole-tarian class struggle, theoretical conclusions and direc-tions for action, the class would embrace it with love. The bourgeoisie is always ready with its ideological apparatus, intellectuals, psychologists, and their death squads. Saying that today is not need for political train-ing, that “preparation” of militants is not on the agenda, that now only need is to share information, to connect via social networks, to bring bombastic analyzes of the crisis and struggles’ horizons, to invent always valid strategies and measures – thus creating the illusion we are participants of the real class movement and we in-fluence it, or just to follow in the steps of proletarian struggles with all their limitations, because “the class is not prepared for more” (tailism), - is not only wrong, but it has nothing to do with the activity of a communist vanguard. Not to make revolutionary communist orien-tation just some abstract improvisation, the influence of communist vanguards must be a dialectical join of the class and class struggle. This is more than a slogan “Freedom or death!”, spraying graffiti or preference for an immediate confrontation. It is necessary to try to theoretically understand what actually social relation-ships around us are about.

Therefore, in order to not let revolutionary overcoming of capitalism and militants who intervene in the strug-gles of the class and agitate for it, be regarded as admir-ers of the USSR, representatives of the Stalinist atrocities and the Ukrainian Holodomor in the 30th of the 20th century, groups claiming the revolutionary communist ideas must in principle demonstrate their theoretical and practical continuity. This continuity is not a “study circle of intellectuals”, but represents the connection with the real class struggle. This continuity characterizes the continuity of the communist movement in time and space – historical Communist Party. Nowadays small communist minorities would be useless if these organized expressions of the communism would have lost real connection to the real social events and its primary expression, the real class struggle. Only this connection forms in this continuity the result but also the factor of history.

It’s a difficult time for class intervention in Ukraine. New opposition will probably make now strengthened extreme right some concessions, and will use it to destroy more socially subversive elements, before it would push the far-right itself back on the brink of political marginality. Meanwhile, the proletariat in Ukraine will have to undergo further attacks on their direct economic interests and to fight for the formulation of its own program. On the other hand, due to instability of the current system, which is heavily affected economically and politically, and moreover in the situation when a war between the Western imperialist block and no less imperialist Russia could break and spill more blood in the name of profit, conditions extend for defining our class interests and for discovery of real social alternative to capitalism. The aim of all class militants is to play a role in this process of possible development of a collective revolutionary program.

Therefore it’s necessary that proletariat in Ukraine and everywhere else:
* refuses economic sacrifices from its pocket and material bleeding in the name of social peace in the interest of national unity
* rises up against state terror by both repressive forces and “moderate” social charlatans
* refuses to be recruited into the capitalist wars, understands that all the wars are waged for the in-terests of bourgeoisie, that only one who sheds his own blood is proletariat and therefore all the wars are wars against proletariat
* breaks with national, racial, religious unity and counters all the existing separations these of the proletariat as a worldwide class of exploited wage workers forced to break their capitalist shackles
* connects to the red thread of proletarian class struggles all around the world and also in history, consciously raises a banner of communism, arms itself with an organized political leadership acceler-ating existing class war.

Workers of the world unite!
Communism or death!

* March/April 2014 *

webmaster
Double post deleted

We deleted one of "Guerre de classe" posts since it was a double of one that had fallen into the spam (that may not be very clear, but basically what you can read above had been posted twice, against two separate articles - so to avoid confusion, we removed one copy).

GUERRE DE CLASSE
Hi, the "second" post you deleted wasn't a double

Hi, the "second" post you deleted wasn't a double of the previous one. I uploaded indeed TWO texts about the same topics and with the same date. Here below I send it again. Cheers...

GUERRE DE CLASSE
WAR PREPARATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA - SHOW OR REALITY?

http://www.autistici.org/tridnivalka/war-preparations-between-ukraine-and-russia-show-or-reality/http://www.autistici.org/tridnivalka/wp-content/uploads/war-preparations-between-ukraine-and-russia.pdf 

CLASS WAR
March/April 2014

On the fringe of the centenary of WWI

WAR PREPARATIONS BETWEEN UKRAINE AND RUSSIA

SHOW OR REALITY?
 
The historical collapse of a model of management of the capitalist social relation, the one that had developed among others in Eastern Europe during several decades of coun-terrevolution, led to the dissolution and the disappearance of the USSR as an imperialist bloc. Since then, the proletariat in this region, as everywhere else in the world, had to undergo numerous new attacks against its survival conditions, but at the same time it also burned a certain number of illusions fuelled by the Western propaganda praising to the skies ad nauseam another model of management of capitalism considered to be more “human”, more “free”. This so much vaunted “world of peace and harmony”, this new Eden promised to the “useful idiots” at the time of the fall of the iron curtain that sealed the end of a “bipolarized world”, all these illusions get more and more smashed.

Rumours of war resound noisily in Europe again, cannons are loaded, fighter-bombers are packed with murderous bullets and bombs, missiles point their nuclear warheads at their future objectives: after wars that caused unrest locally and according to circumstances in Yugoslavia, Georgia, Chechnya, Dagestan, Ossetia etc. during this last quarter of century, preconditions for a new war have been intensively maturing in the Ukraine now, a war much more extensive and with unimaginable international effects.

Since four months the Ukraine has been shaken by an im-portant unrest emerging from the fertile soil of underlying contradictions that determine any class society and their concrete expressions: starvation wages, restructuring, layoffs, privatizations, cuts in social security that was a hangover from “the socialist era” etc. Of course these social movements (like all the struggles that develop nowadays) yet carry the seal of the lack of rupture with the managers of the social relation, as well as with their substitutes to come. Their political expression and consciousness seem to be so weak and false... But revolutionaries cannot just brush off the content of the events in a disdainful and patronizing manner.

Current struggles are framed and contained by various bourgeois factions: partisans of Euro-American “liberal” model, ultranationalists, and even far-right groups, or fascist ones… We were daily confronted with disgusting processions with false flags, flags of Western imperialist super-powers, Ukrainian national flags or even fascist ensigns... But let’s say that it’s not really very different from more “classical” and “traditional” bourgeois containments by Social Democrats who are professionals in the pacification of our struggles: unionists, leftists, Stalinists, worshippers of “direct democracy” and radical Islamists (for our proletarian brothers and sisters who struggle in areas with “pre-dominantly Muslim population” and more particularly since the emergence of the “Arab spring”)…

Obviously the proletariat is yet far from emerging as a revo-lutionary force capable to affirm its historical program and its perspectives of overthrowing the capitalist social relation. Proletarians take to the street, they occupy squares, they besiege governmental buildings, they clash with repressive forces, they build barricades, they refuse pacifying propositions of opposition parties’ charlatans, they put forward (even “clumsily”) the question of self-defence and arming of the movement, they loot police’s weaponries etc. In spite of all that they don’t yet affirm themselves as a class in most cases and therefore as an organized and leading force, as an advanced part(y) of the proletariat…

Despite the bourgeois nature of various expressions and materializations issuing from the social movements, what the class of capitalists fears the most nowadays is an extension of the unrest to very metropolises of World’s super-powers. What would happen if similar events broke out in the Federation of Russia, Britain, USA or China? Capitalists would prefer to avoid, to say the least, this kind of “catastrophe” for the durability of their social dictatorship and they thus try to preventively channel all this whirlpool energy, all this social maelstrom into the ruts of war. And for this to be done, the Ukraine could become an ideal ground for the mobilization of war forces. And according to circumstances, the fate of the “Autonomous Republic of Crimea”, which has just been de facto annexed by the Federation of Russia, or even the conquest of the Eastern regions of Ukraine (Donetsk, Kharkov...) which are in the grip of a new unrest, could constitute an interesting pretext, exactly like assassination attempt in Sarajevo became a pretext for WWI precisely 100 years ago…

And it’s neither the ceaseless “flurries of diplomatic activity” in Moscow, London, Paris, Berlin, Brussels, Geneva, Washington… in order to “de-escalate” the situation nor the “calls for peace” that can prevent the unavoidable to occur. In 1914 these same “flurries” already took place, “nobody wanted the war”, and yet some politico-military processes were put in motion and resulted in the world conflagration on August 2nd…

Once again capitalists get ready to send us to the massacre

This year 2014 the bourgeoisie commemorates the triggering off the First World War, while pretending that we are now living in a world of peace and harmony. Capitalism is at the same time facing its worst crisis of valorisation since the end of WW2 and its only alternative is once again the mass destruction of surplus productive forces: destruction of commodities, dead labour, but also of labour force com-modities, thus of living labour, thus of proletarians… The only viable solution for capitalism (to subsequently boost a new cycle of valorisation) is therefore a generalized war. Its only major problem is how to mobilize the proletariat all over the world in order to recruit it in whatever ideological campaign to justify the massacres to come.

Present war drum roll announcing a military intervention of Russia in the Ukraine partakes in this ideological campaign. Especially since this region is a geostrategic issue of capitalists’ voracious appetites. Indeed, just to have a look at a map of the Eurasian continent is enough to realize that on the one hand there are European Union countries supplied to a considerable part with fossil energies (oil and gas) from Russia and its important fields in Siberia (this in order to not be dependent on the unstable Middle Eastern countries). On the other hand, the only present possibility for the Russian hydrocarbons to make their value and to find a buyer on the world market is to precisely export them towards the EU while essentially using oil and gas pipelines that cross the Ukraine.

Both camps of capitalist opposing vultures (Russia versus the EU, the USA and their military wing the NATO) need each other, and this should be a reason to “objectively” prevent a war that would ruin one or the other competing power, or even both at the same time. But these same conditions could also explain how both camps need to conquer its opponent and to dominate it, to corner either the vast sources of energy of Russia, or the Western creditworthy markets.

A war for gas? Absurd? The control on energy resources won’t probably be the essential element that will trigger off a war between Russia and the Ukraine but as in 1914 politico-military mechanisms are setting in motion, mechanisms that can easily get off the stranglehold of sorcerer’s apprentices who manages the world. And at this moment the question of oil and gas would become a central issue and could release all the murderous energies to slaughter once again millions of human beings on the altar of profit. As an example, only these last three decades we saw various bourgeois powers waging war (or supporting one or the other belligerent powers, or even several of them at the same time) in order to take control of zones of oil production of the Middle East (Iran, Iraq, Kuwait,…) as well as the supplying roads (Persian Gulf,…). These wars made at least hundreds of thousands, if not two or three millions, of dead, without counting the innumerable “collateral damages” - victims of bombing with “depleted uranium” and other rubbish created by the genius of the capitalist progress.

Beyond the development of the nationalist, chauvinist and patriotic hysteria in both opposing camps, and besides the particular circumstances that nourish the present prepara-tions of war between the Ukraine and Russia, we have to highlight a fundamental point: the speed with which all this crisis has grown. Indeed, a few days or weeks were enough to reveal all the contradictions accumulated since the end of the “bipolar world” (the USSR against the USA, the East against the West, “communism” against “capitalism” according to both sides’ propaganda), i.e. since a quarter of century. All contradictions coming from the non-resolution of the historical crisis inherent to capitalism (considered as what it is basically, that is to say a global social relation) and that it is carrying in its womb; crisis that resulted from the new cycle of valorisation developed on the ruins of the previous World War. As the capitalist order detests vacuum, since the collapse of one of both imperialist blocs was an expression of such a vacuum, “order” begins to be restored with the re-bipolarization of the world, so much needed to the competition between the different factions of capital but also to the implementation of the objective conditions for a new war. We can therefore claim that history is accelerating! Like the social movements that, since some years and stronger than before, challenge the social dictatorship of capital.

We must also recall here the fundamental essence of war. Since the capitalist mode of production exists and therefore rules the whole planet, all wars are bourgeois, capitalist; beyond the ideologies for which capital pretends to wage them, all wars are wars against the proletariat, they are counterrevolutionary wars.

Beyond the inter-imperialist rivalries, it is always the de-valorisation, the fall in the rate of profit which leads to a generalized overproduction of commodities and therefore also an overpopulation, what is the reason for bourgeois war. Even if according to the bourgeoisie’s own consciousness, the issue of the war is especially about destroying the enemy, in reality its main goal has always been the same in the past as well as now: i.e. the massive destruction of human beings nowadays turned by capitalism into surplus commodities.

To wage its wars, the bourgeoisie must eliminate the prole-tariat as a class, that is to say as an active force, to dissolve it into the people, and then recruit these citizens among other citizens under any flag hiding the hideous face of capitalism: the flag of antifascism or fascism, in the name of progress or reaction, in the name of “democracy” or a “new order”, the flag of the conquest of a vital space or the national liberation, of the defence of civilized West or anti-colonialism,... It’s always in the name of peace, freedom, democracy, socialism... that cadavers are piling up, that civilians as well as militaries are mutilated with cluster bombs, or that they are dying in concentration camps.

Communist action against capitalist war and peace

No matter finally how the current crisis between the Ukraine and Russia will be resolved, because whatever it turns into – a local war, a regional war, or even a generalized war, or even if it doesn’t go further than the permanent war daily imposed by capitalism to the whole humanity, our reply is since centuries always and invariably the same. Internationalism is a proletarian answer to the bourgeois attacks and it means to break the social peace, the peace of capital, to develop our struggles there where we stand, against our direct exploiters everywhere in the world. We prepare our solution to the bourgeois crisis: the worldwide social revolution, while answering a blow for a blow to the deteriorations of our living conditions. It’s the only way to struggle against the bourgeois solution that is the generalized war.

And we would like here to criticize the pacifist and resigning positions articulated in some militant expressions formally claiming to belong to the camp of the anti-capitalist struggle which refuse “every annexation [that] accelerates the course to capitalist war”. And they put forward the overused argumentation, used by Social democracy one thousand times, and one thousand times denounced by revolutionaries, according to which “capitalist war is terrain which is particularly hostile to the emergence of the proletariat as a class for itself”. Of course, we don’t take delight in the preparations of a new war orgy, but faced with this ineluctable or even unavoidable capitalist necessity, we refuse to sink into puerile snivelling. Historically, the Social Democrats always adored and praised the “linear progress” of the social movement, without a hitch, without a rupture, “progress” that would lead us peacefully to the “big night” of the proletarian new Eden. But the reality of the capitalist hell shows us other ways and we call proletarians in struggle not to capitulate and not to tie themselves up in paralyzing illusions. On the contrary we call upon them to give a new impetus to their action thanks to the new material conditions produced by the war and so to assume their responsibilities in the face of the history and the humanity…

Because the triggering of the imperialist war, even a gener-alized one, doesn’t necessarily mean the definitive crushing of the proletariat. Indeed, historically, if the war in the first time means a relative crushing, it can then dialectically determine a re-emergence of the struggles all the more strong since it is the war that exposes the contradictions and the brutality immanent to the capitalist system. For the revolutionary proletarians the struggle against war directly means revolutionary defeatism.

The revolutionary defeatism turns its back on all pacifism even when it is disguised and radicalized, that is to say it refuses all positions not giving any concrete and precise instructions with a view to encouraging and acting violently for the defeat of “our” camp, “our” nation, “our” army, “our” bourgeoisie.

And it’s not the 50,000 pacifist demonstrators who recently paraded in Moscow, crying their horror of war and their love for peace, who will disturb the war preparations in any way. As long as the denunciation of the capitalist war remains limited only to claim a return to the previous period, to the peace (that can be nothing but the social peace so needed to the process of extraction of surplus value as a result of the obligation to go to work for us, modern slaves); as long as the dialectical links between the capitalist war and peace are not revealed and emphasized, all these pacifist demonstrations are only condemned to passively attend the imposition of even more terrorist social peace, the peace of graves…

Contrary to pacifist snivelling, the revolutionary defeatism means first of all no sacrifices in the name of interest of the nation, it means social struggles for working class living and working conditions, even when a war already sparked off and “our” bourgeoisie calls for national unity. On more advanced level it means to organize sabotage of the economy, the production, the weapons convoys... all the nationalist consensus, in parallel to organization of the obvious defeatist propaganda that has to shake the whole society up to the very foundations of the certainties enrooted in minds of all the “useful idiots”...

The revolutionary defeatism means to organise all actions aiming to undermine the morale of the troops as well as to prevent dispatching proletarians to the slaughter...

The revolutionary defeatism means to organise the most massive desertion and cease fire between proletarians in uniforms on both sides of the frontline, to leave distant fronts and to bring war, not between proletarians but between classes, i.e. class war, into centres of war super-powers...

The revolutionary defeatism means to encourage fraterni-sation, mutinies, turning the guns against the organizers of war carnage, i.e. “our” bourgeoisie and their lackeys...

The revolutionary defeatism means the most determined and offensive action with a view to turning the imperialist war into revolutionary war for the abolition of this class society based on starvation and war, revolutionary war for communism.

Obviously, the revolutionary defeatism can’t be conceived in only one camp. Anti-war sabotage, as we understand it, depends on the international nature of the proletariat and it is therefore aimed at our class all over the world. The revolutionary defeatism means the all-out struggle against “our” bourgeoisie in all camps, in all countries.

If the proletariat wants to definitively get rid of this slaughter, the one and only solution is to generalise actions of revolutionary defeatism. The development of struggle has its own requirements: it must break social cohesion not only in the units of the army but also in the whole society. For this we will have to put once and for all an end to nationalism while reaffirming loud and clear that proletarians have no interest in this war or in this dying world. We call for only one war, the war against our exploiters, no matter whether they are Ukrainian, Russian, American, German, English, French, Czech or whatever.

We call on proletarians to denounce the upcoming mili-tary intervention and to strongly oppose it through direct action, sabotage, generalized and insurrectional strike… Military adventures would be paid from pockets of working class! Thus no tightening of workers’ belts for bourgeois wars!

Wherever warplanes, warships and missiles come from, behind them there are always men and women –wage workers- who have to transport them to their destination, to fuel them… Only proletarians in struggle can and have to prevent the war machine to kill, the production machine to function…

Let’s develop new hotbeds of struggle, let’s consolidate those already existing; let’s apply the strike to armies, factories, mines, offices, schools… anywhere we suffer exploitation in this world of death and misery…

Against our own exploitative bourgeoisie, against our own warmongering State, in Russia, the Ukraine, USA, EU etc., let’s organize and develop revolutionary de-featism...

To be a patriot means to be a murderer! Down with all States!

Class solidarity with the revolutionary defeatists of all camps!

Let’s turn our guns against “our” generals, against “our own” bourgeoisie!

Let’s raise again the flag of the world communist revolution!

* March/April 2014 *

To write and to distribute this text internationally and in several languages allows us to centralise our activities, to get in touch with other revolutionaries, to consolidate the camp of those who defend the same internationalist perspectives, to express the needs of all proletarians who revolt against war, (social) peace and misery, and to strengthen, by force of the clarity of our perspectives for struggle and our determination, the impact of our refusal.

Hawkeye
Ukraine and background of fascism

An article entitled 'The Menace of Fascism - what it is and how to fight it' contains a mass of evidence concerning the ways in which capitalists across Europe, including Britain, supported and, in many cases, greatly financed the rise of fascism and of how many rich people became much richer as a result.  It also reports on the ways in which all this affected the working class and the ways in which it struggled as and when possible against capitalist fascism.  The article was written in 1948 by Ted Grant, who was a well known Trotskyist. It is a long well-written article in very clear well spaced print, which includes comparisons of fascists, CP and RCP after 1945, all of which might be thought to provide some relevance to today in Ukraine and across Europe. It is accessible on the web.  It prints out on 47 pages of A4.  It was originally published as a pamphlet.  See website  tedgrant.org/archive/grant/1948/fascism.

Hawkeye
Ukraine Kiev using foreign fascists

On 4-6-2014 the TV station RT reports and shows pictures of parades of masked gunmen said to be partly recruited from outside Ukraine, including from Italy and USA, including from private security firms, to combine with the neo-nazi Right Sector section of the forces of Kiev's regime. to be used for special operations against the people of eastern Ukraine.  It also shows pictures of a hospital in eastern Ukraine which has been bombed or shelled by Kiev's forces, where women and children have been trying to shelter from Kiev's aggression.  It also reports on the financing of the Kiev militia by rich capitalist oligarchs.  I recommend readers to see this TV station daily as long as the aggression against the workers and people of eastern Ukraine is being perpetrated by the western states of world imperialism.  In some areas of the UK the TV station can be seen on freeview 85, but in any case on the web at RT.com.

Alf
RT

Russia Today is very informative and even radical when it comes to showing the imperialist aggression of the western powers, not so much when it comes to Russian imperialism.

Hawkeye
Ukraine-reply to Alf of June 4 2014-17:39.

Thank you for your response.  Whilst the overall situation is that of world imperialism, the immediate and ongoing problem for the people living in the east of Ukraine is that of what can be done to stop the bombing and shelling being inflicted on them by the Kiev Klux Klan dominated regime, backed by the likes of Hague, Obama and NATO.  Does the ICC have any answers to this which might satisfy both the people being blitzed and the ICC views of its Platform ?  Maybe that would be asking too much of you.  I keep looking at RT for pictures of what is happening, day by day and overnight.

baboon
I don't think that there's

I don't think that there's much that the ICC can say in the immediate to allieviate the suffering of people in the east - also in the west of the country where a massive austerity programme is being unfolded.

I agree with Alf about RT and due warnings. Press TV (the Iranian foreign service) also carries some informative stuff, but is also selective and part of the |Iranian regime. Neither of these organs are as efficient or as integrated as the BBC.

But here (in Britain) news about what's happening in Ukraine has dried up - very deliberately blacked out. A US State Department spokeswoman asked about a week ago (by an RT reporter) if the administration was concerned about the bombings in eastern Ukraine said that it had no concerns. As Hawkeye says there have been bombings by fighter jets, which have been terror-flying over the regions for weeks now day and night; bombing by helicipter gunships and artillery and some of the Right Sector elements from Kiev are in the east in force. The regulars of the Ukrainian army - many seem to have deserted in the east - don't seem to be a force that Kiev can rely on. The crisis threatens to spread as forces are stirring up trouble for the Russians in Abkhazia and there is the build up of military forces by the west in neighbouring countries. There are certainly US special forces in the country, probably British and French and some Israelis backing up the extremely weak Kiev regime.

On the Russian side in the east there appears to be Chechen forces as well elements manipulated by Moscow. There was a miners' strike in the east last week but it appeared to be manufactured by the unions and pro-Russian separatists. From what I saw it didn't have much resonance amongst the workers who expressed the feelings that they were going to be hit whatever happened.

All the elements in Ukraine show the expression of decomposition and capitalism's only "answer" which is growing militarism, chaos and war.

baboon
Anti-war protests

There have been some reports on Russian supported web sites about anti-war protests in western Ukraine given the recent call-up offensive. I looked up protest in Transcarpathia - where the protests were reported - and there are quite a few with substantiating pictures. Some military registration offices have been attacked and documentation set on fire. Many women seem to be behind the protests that appear to be spreading from village to village where call-up notices are sent. Officials have been attacked and slogans such as let the children of judges and politicians go and fight. Road blocks have been set up in places by the protesters. There have also been reports of anti-austerity protests in Kiev. I woulldn't want to overestimate this but it's welcome nevertheless.

Fred
Good news, baboon.  Thanks

Good news, baboon.  Thanks for telling us. 

GUERRE DE CLASSE
Neither Ukrainian nor Russian!

Neither Ukrainian nor Russian!Let’s develop our own camp, the third camp, that of social revolution!  http://www.autistici.org/tridnivalka/neither-ukrainian-nor-russian/  When we wrote some months ago in our text, “War preparations between Ukraine and Russia – Show or Reality?”i that the conditions for a new war ripen in Ukraine, many comrades expressed doubts or even disagreements with such a categorical statement. Now we can say that the conflict in Ukraine has clearly switched from the “cold” phase to the “hot” one and that what we are currently witnessing in the east of the country is the war by all definitions. From Lugansk on the border with Russia to Mariupol on the Black Sea coast two military forces compete in daily clashes when trying to enlarge the area under their control, they fight on the ground as well as in the air, in countryside as well as in industrial centers, artilleries shell villages, air forces bomb cities (under the pretext that their enemy uses the inhabitants as living shields), men, women, children die under the bombs and missiles… In four months of armed conflict more than 2,000 civilians and militaries have been killed and 6,000 others injured; 117,000 proletarians have been internally displaced and 730,000 others found refuge in Russia. Just as we were on the point of finishing this article dead bodies are strewn over the streets of Donetsk, caught in a government’s offensive stranglehold. 

In the same text we also wrote that the only reply of the proletariat to the war is to organize and develop revolutionary defeatism, i.e. practically refuse to join one or the other camp, on the contrary to build connections between proletarians from both sides of the conflict through the struggle against both bourgeoisies. As even in this field things developed, our text deserves (three month after publishing) a post-scriptum. 
This text is based on information drawn from different sources (that we quote in footnotes) from militant blogs to official media. This short description of events in the Ukraine required hours and hours of careful work, searching information, reading texts, watching videos, comparing different data etc. We would like to emphasize two things: Firstly, the fact that the events that we describe here were not covered by BBC or Euronews does not mean that they did not happen, that we invented them (various leftist sources and also Ukrainian and Russian media describe them). Secondly, it is clear that the news that we get from the Ukraine are chaotic, incomplete and sometimes contradictory. This however doesn’t mean that we should give up our attempt to grasp what is going on there. We believe that we should face a selective reporting of the state with a critical and radical position of anti-capitalist movement; we should develop and share information and analysis that see the world through a prism of revolutionary perspective. 
 
War ideology (either based on a defence of a united national state on one side or the right for a self-determination and pro-Russian sympathies on the other side) is taking root in Ukraine, civil society organizations organize fund-raising campaign to support the army, popes bless arms of this or that side, and television repeats scenes of babushkas supplying armed man with their last jar of compote. Not all proletarians however let themselves to be brainwashed with the war propaganda of one or the other side, not all of them want to sacrifice themselves “for their homeland”. Expressions of practical refuse of war slaughter appear in always greater numbers and both sides of the conflict have big difficulties to recruit new manpower for their mutual massacre. 
Thousands of soldiers of the Ukrainian army that the government sent in the so-called anti-terrorist operations (ATO) in the east of the country, deserted or switched to the other side with all equipment, including tanks and armoured vehicles. As for example the Ukrainian 25th airborne brigade (elite troop par excellence), whose servicemen have been accused of “displaying cowardice” during fighting in Kramatorsk, was disbanded on April 17th because expressing refusal to “fight against other Ukrainians”.ii The most recently it was a unit of 400 soldiers that deserted and took refuge on the Russian side of the border after finding itself without any ammunition under a heavy fire. The soldiers that will be, as Russia already announced, extradited back to Ukrainian territory, testified that they prefer rather be charged of desertion than to continue to kill and be killed on the eastern front. All the deserters claimed that they do not want to fight against “their own people” and they also denounced desperate living conditions, which they had to face in the army - lousy pay, lousy food, or even lack of it, etc. Other units were not even deployed in the east for their unreliability. In the same way as they could not be used by former President Yanukovych to suppress the demonstrators, neither the current government dares to send to the conflict the troops known for their minimal loyalty. 
About one thousand soldiers of units from the region of Volhynia mutinied in Mykolayiv on May 29th. Servicemen of 3rd battalion of 51st brigade refused to be sent back to the front, they refused the orders of their superiors and they started to unload the heavy machinery and other material already prepared for transport. They were promised, after the unit had suffered heavy losses in a confrontation with the separatists near a village of Volnovakha, to return to their home barracks in Rivno. Instead of that they were moved from the east to the south and back so that the authorities could finally announce them that they will continue their training before being sent again to the front. “Having lost any kind of trust in the generals in light of the latest events at Volnovakha and during the funerals in Rivne, and the betrayal of the generals; the soldiers have begun an open rebellion.”iii 
Also the 2nd battalion of 51st brigade that was situated in the barracks in Rivno in the same time and witnessed both funerals of soldiers from 3rd battalion killed in the gunfight in Volnovakha and chaotic and lying leadership of the operations mutinied. “The generals were saying “go north” then “go south” to the extent that the soldiers are ready to shoot them. The generals have begun wearing bulletproof vests out of fear of fragging!”iv About 1,200 soldiers took part to the mutiny; they refused to be transferred to Mykolayiv. “They promised, when they called upon us, that we would be guarding the Ukranian-Belorussian border. We are ready to do so, but to move on those Donbas clowns we are not!”v 
Similar rebellion appeared also on May 28th in Poltava. 
Four days earlier, after six soldiers originally from the region of Volhynia were killed, mothers, wives and relatives of soldiers of 51st brigade blocked the roads in the region of Volhinya to protest against further deployment of the unit in Donbas.vi 
Demonstrations and protests organized by wives and other relatives of draftees asking return of soldiers home or trying to block their departure to the front meanwhile spread to other regions of the Ukraine (Bukovina, Lviv, Kherson, Melitopol, Volhynia etc.). Families of the soldiers were blocking the roads with chopped down trees in the region of Lviv at the beginning of June.vii A demonstration of relatives blocked the entrance of military enlistment office in Lviv some days later.viii In Iavorivo (region of Lviv) family members occupied an exercising ground of 24th mechanized brigade and they demanded a withdrawal of departure to the frontline.ix Demonstrations of relatives in Dnepropetrovsk and Kharkov demanded return of the soldiers to the barracks in their native regions.x Women from Kharkov occupied local military airport. Local military enlistment office in Kherson was occupied by soldiers’ mothers and wives. They called for end of the war with slogans like: “Women against war”, “Where do sons of oligarchs serve?” or “Our children are not a cannon fodder”.xi In Chernovtsy women blocked the highway to Zhitomir for several days and they claimed return of soldiers home.xii On June 24th relatives blocked 125th kilometre of highway Kyiv–Chop, they were holding banners like: “Bring back our children, send generals’ children to the East“.xiii On June 8th, a group of 100 soldiers’ relatives blocked troops from the 3033 military unit based in Melitopol, in the region of Zaporozhe. The protest managed to prevent the soldiers from being sent to the front. The relatives involved in the protest movement also protested against the state propaganda that describes them as “pro-Russian separatists”: “Yesterday the news talked of ‘pro-Russian separatists staged a blockade of the military unit’. But there was no mention of Russia at the gate of the military unit! We just do not want to lose our families’ breadwinners. (…). Donetsk is a massacre, and our children are 20-21 years old. (…) You see us, we are mothers! How can you call us separatists!”, claimed one of the participating women.xiv Mothers and wives of soldiers protested against their sending to the front in front of the military base in Ternopil on July 15th.xv 
And it is not the first time the families of soldiers confront a military action. During the period that finally resulted in a fall of former president Janukovych relatives and other people organised meetings in front of barracks, they discussed with the soldiers in order to bring them information about what was really going on in the streets and to persuade them to refuse to participate in a potential crackdown on demonstrators. 
Meanwhile new men continue to be conscripted to the army. Even if they must enlist on the basis of an obligatory military card, the government still passes them for volunteers. “We are no volunteers (...) we do not want to kill people (...) we will not go anywhere, we will take off our uniforms and we will go home”, proclaimed draftees in a protest rally in Lviv.xvi 
After the Presidential Decree of Poroshenko about the third wave of mobilization in the military forces came in force on July 24th, what would send further thousands of proletarians to the front, unrests broke up in several places in Western Ukraine with new force: in the village of Voloka the whole population resisted to the conscription of 50 men. “They begun – let themselves resolve. We will die but we will not give our children. They must understand it and don’t come here with their call-up papers”, an old protester declared.xvii Relatives of soldiers blocked a road near the village of Korovia on July 25th demanding an end of the mobilisation and sons of authorities to be sent to the front instead.xviii The same day a road in Obukhivs’kyi district, near Kyiv, was blocked by families of soldiers too. Blockades continued further also on July 28th in seven villages in Bukovina region and the highway Kyiv – Chop was blocked again too. During an anti-war demonstration in front of a recruiting office in Novoselytsa protesters beat up a district council member who tried to talk to them.xix Inhabitants of several villages of Ivano-Frankivsk region broke into the office of local military administration on July 22nd and burnt down call-up papers and other documents considering the mobilisation. The same happened the same day in Bogorodchany.xx In different villages people massively burnt conscription documents delivered by post.xxi In Mukachevo, in Transcarpathia the situation escalated so that its military commander worrying about continuation of the protests suspended the mobilisation for the time being and promised that none of the locals will be sent to the front in near future.xxii Other militant mobilizations against the war also occurred in the region of Zaporozhe on August 4th as well as in front of the parliament in Kyiv the day after.xxiii 
Kyiv that can currently hardly count on its regular army has therefore rely on private armies of some oligarchs and National Guard, volunteers’ militia formed mainly from nationalists of Pravyi Sektor (Right sector) and Svoboda (Freedom) party during the protest movement against Janukovych. The new units of National Guard are not especially trained for military actions, but mainly for repression of mass protests and riots, as revealed their parade in Kyiv at the end of June. For that matter, hundreds of fascists from National-socialist assembly and Ukrainian patriots attacked already in June a demonstration against anti-terrorist operation that was taking place in Kyiv. 
Neither the members of the National Guard are nevertheless out of the contradictions shaking both of the camps. Radio Free Europe published recently a videoxxiv that shows a serviceman of the National Guard blaming the government for not being able to provide the volunteers with enough of food, water and guns: “We’re used as cannon fodder” he states. Material conditions here catch up even those who thing that they are ideologically above them. 
Mercenaries from all over the world also fight on the side of Kyiv, they were hired for the government by private agencies (reportedly it concerns mercenary troops from Poland, the Czech Republic, the former Yugoslavia, but also from the area of equatorial Africa). 
Recruitment of new fighters doesn’t advance according to the wishes of the local warlords in the camp of the separatists either. The majority of miners of the region of Donbas still refuse to join their side. Instead of that they form units of self-defence standing against both separatists and government troops. One of these units clashed with the separatists and prevented them to blow up a mine in the village of Makiivka. In Krasnodon, in the region of Lugansk, in May miners organized a general strike and took the control of the city. They openly refused to join either the side of separatists’ “anti-Maidan” in Lugansk, or the side of the oligarchs of the Maidan in Kyiv, and they called for increase of their wages and against hiring labour force for the mine via private agencies instead.xxv 
Miners from six mines in Donbas basin started to strike at the end of May calling for an end of the anti-terrorist operation in the east of the country and retreat of the troops.xxvi Their action was a result of their own initiative and was not forced in any way by armed men of Donetsk People’s Republic as claimed some media. According to the strikers war represents a danger for the very existence of the mines and brings unemployment. “On Monday May 26th, when the Ukrainian army began bombings of the towns, the miners simply did not turn up to work, because the ‘external factor’ of hostilities taking place almost at their doorstep seriously increased the risk of industrial accidents at their enterprise. For example, had a bomb hit the electrical substation, the miners would have been trapped underground, which to them would inevitably mean death.”xxvii The strike was started by some 150 miners form the mine Oktyabrskiy and it spread like a chain reaction onto other pits of the Donetsk (Skochinskiy, Abakumov, “Trudovskaya”, etc.) but also to collieries of other cities, particularly Ugledar (“Yuzhnodonbasskaya no. 3”). In mines owned by Rinat Achmetov, the richest man of Ukraine and owner of an industrial empire economically controlling practically the whole eastern part of the country workers were forced to continue to work, they continued to go down the pits despite bombardment of the close neighbourhood. Also from the initiative of the miners of Oktyabrskiy mine (and again without any support of Donetsk People’s Republic) an anti-war demonstration of several thousand of participants was organised on May 28th.xxviii On June 18th several thousands of miners demonstrated for immediate end of military operations in the centre of Donetsk again. The participants claimed that they are not separatists, but ordinary people of Donbas. They also declared that if the Kyiv government didn’t meet their demands, they would take up guns. 
Separatists as well as local pro-Kyiv oligarchs try to manipulate and interpret these chaotic and contradictory assemblies according to their own interests. Rinat Achmetov, the oligarch of Donetsk therefore organised his own “strike” for united Ukraine, separatists on the other hand try to pass the miners manifestations for an expression of pro-Russian position of Donbas workers. 
Despite nationalist or separatist mottos that appear in miners’ demonstrations, workers are not very keen to join the Donbas People’s Militia. One of the separatist commanders, Igor Girkin, recently publicly complaint that local people take guns from his armoury, but instead of serving with them in separatists’ militias, they bring them to their homes to protect their families and villages against both sides of the conflict.xxix Separatists therefore continue to count on local criminal gangs which (after being paid) helped them to take control of governmental buildings, police stations, armouries, arterial roads and communication devices during several months lasting operation in the region of Donetsk and Lugansk. The majority of separatists’ forces is nevertheless made of mercenaries from the opposite side of the (Russian) border, particularly the veterans of Chechnya wars. 
If the real anti-war movement, the movement of revolutionary defeatism, wants to succeed, it has to become not only massive and generalized, but it also has to get organized, get structured. We have only little information about organisational structures of the movement in Ukraine. We can deduce the existence of some structures from the events themselves (repeating demonstrations or strikes of several thousand people cannot be a result of a spontaneous explosion of anger, in the same way protests of soldiers’ relatives, as we have described them above, demand a certain level of coordination, organized collaboration on the level of content and practice), existence of other formal or informal organisational structures is confirmed by incomplete information we get from the field. Some already existing associations turned into frameworks centralising anti-war activities – for example Donetsk region Parents Community “Kroha”xxx that published an appeal to the public on June 10th, however limited, contradictory and pacifist it can be: “We, the parents of Donetsk region, appeal to you, politicians, public figures, people who care. Help save the people of Sloviansk, Krasny Liman, Kramatorsk, stop the military operations. We need your help in bringing home the truth about what is happening in these cities. For many weeks, people live under incessant artillery fire. Civilians constantly die. Some children have been injured; the death of three children is confirmed. Houses, hospitals, kindergartens and schools are collapsing. People, including children, live in a permanent state of stress, hiding for many hours from almost-never-stopping attacks in basements. (…) We ask for your help in saving the lives of these people and stopping military actions.”xxxi Another association, Donbas Mothers claims in its declaration: “We just want to live! We, ordinary people: husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters. We, peaceful civilians, are the hostages of the conflict in our region, the victims of military clashes. We are tired of fear and crave for peace. We want to live in our houses, walk along the streets of our cities, work at the companies and organizations of our region, and farm our land. (...) We, mothers of Donbas, insist on putting an immediate stop to the anti-terrorist operation and any military actions in our region! (…) We are sure that the conflict in our country can be peacefully resolved! Stop the war! Avert children’s deaths! Save the people of Donbas!”xxxii The Voice of Odessa organized a demonstration against war on July 13th in Odessa. The participants shouted mottos as “We are against the war!”, “Stop ATO in the East!” or “We want peace!” The flash mob featured chilling audio recordings of artillery shelling and the impact on civilians.xxxiii In Kharkov local anti-war associations (among others the Women’s Movement of Kharkov “Kharkivianka”) organized a demonstration in front of tank factory VA Malyshev on June 20th. This factory received an order for 400 armored vehicles to be sent to the front. The demonstrators demanded cancellation of the order and shouted slogans as “No to war” or “Stop the senseless killing!”xxxiv 
Social and economic situation in the whole Ukraine meanwhile gets worse. Devaluation of the local currency, increase in prices of basic goods, transport and services and cuts in production in many companies lead to a sharp decrease of real wages estimated between 30 and 50 percent of losses. Kyiv government, under a pressure of international financial institutions has to adopt series of austerity measures that will further worsen the living conditions of the proletariat, in the same time it is preparing the biggest wave of privatization since 20 years. Central government stopped since May the payment of wages of state employees, social benefits and pensions in the territories that are not under its control, thousands of workers are therefore without any incomes. Situation in the regions where military operations take place is even worse – supplies of electricity and water are interrupted, medicine and food are scarce. 
Social unrests precipitated by this situation appear since a certain time. Besides the miners’ strikes in the eastern part of the country also the proletarians in the western regions start to have enough. Miners of Krivoy Rog started a general unlimited strike in May demanding a double increase of their wages. They started to organize self-defence armed militias. In their declaration addressed to workers in all Europe they describe Russian and Ukrainian oligarchs, whatever side they are on (separatist or Kyiv one) as the main reason for the crisis: “We turn to you with a call to support our struggle against the oligarchs, who have brought Ukraine into the current crisis and who continue to destabilise it further, threatening to provoke a fratricidal war in Ukraine which without any doubt will have catastrophic consequences for all of Europe.”xxxv 
Several demonstrations for “decent living conditions”, against increasing in prices and for increase in wages and pensions took place in different cities in the whole country. (Series of actions against increase in prices of housing and utility tariffs took place for example in Kyiv during late June and July. On July 1st a demonstration against rise in prices went on in Kharkov. The biggest protest so far took place in Kyiv on July 24th under mottos as “Cut the oligarchs, not the people” and “Do not rob ordinary citizens”.)xxxvi 
Early August the last handful of resisters who continued to occupy Maidan square in Kyiv (“because nothing has changed!”) is attacked by two battalions of the National Guard to evict them. They were acting by order of the new mayor Vitali Klitchko, what demonstrates once again that promises of a bourgeois politician (early this year he asked the occupiers not to evacuate the square “as long as there is no genuine changes in Ukraine”) only involve those who believe in them... Violent clashes nevertheless broke out during the eviction, what the international bourgeois media didn’t talk about once again, since the Kyiv government is the Western ally and the “ultimate horror” can only be embodied by the Eastern separatists and Russia. 
Donetsk People’s Republic tries to restrain the miners’ movement that cares more for their material interests than any ideology, while balancing between demands of strikers who were promised a nationalization of industrial complexes and interests of oligarchs who were promised inviolability of private property. 
The anti-war movement, even if it is so far limited in both space and content, workers’ strikes and demonstrations not for ideology but for material interests of proletariat in both camps, all that confirms what we wrote in our previous text: “(…) the triggering of the imperialist war (...) doesn’t necessarily mean the definitive crushing of the proletariat. Indeed, historically, if the war in the first time means a relative crushing, it can then dialectically determine a re-emergence of the struggles all the more strong since it is the war that exposes the contradictions and the brutality immanent to the capitalist system.” 
Yet we can again and again meet with so-called “revolutionaries” defending the anti-terrorist operation, because they believe that it will allow a return to the “normal” class struggle. Yet we can read (even if fragmentary and contradictory) news about “anarchists” active in separatists administration structures, because they consider them to be a lesser evil in comparison with Kyiv government. 
We do not support war and its atrocities in any way and we are aware that any military conflict means worsening of living conditions of proletarians. However we, as communists, cannot adopt a thesis that we could prevent a military conflict while supporting one or another war sides. Proletariat has no interest in preserving present or previous conditions of its misery. Proletariat has no homeland to defend. The side of proletariat in any war is a united and uncompromising action of proletarians of both competing camps against both war camps of bourgeoisie. 
The struggle against war means revolutionary defeatism! Revolutionary proletarian front against bourgeoisie from both war camps! 
Let’s confront the war with direct action, sabotage, general, radical and combative strike! 
Class solidarity with revolutionary defeatists from all camps! 
 August 2014 

GUERRE DE CLASSE
Neither Ukrainian nor Russian!

Neither Ukrainian nor Russian!Let’s develop our own camp, the third camp, that of social revolution!  http://www.autistici.org/tridnivalka/neither-ukrainian-nor-russian/  When we wrote some months ago in our text, “War preparations between Ukraine and Russia – Show or Reality?”i that the conditions for a new war ripen in Ukraine, many comrades expressed doubts or even disagreements with such a categorical statement. Now we can say that the conflict in Ukraine has clearly switched from the “cold” phase to the “hot” one and that what we are currently witnessing in the east of the country is the war by all definitions. From Lugansk on the border with Russia to Mariupol on the Black Sea coast two military forces compete in daily clashes when trying to enlarge the area under their control, they fight on the ground as well as in the air, in countryside as well as in industrial centers, artilleries shell villages, air forces bomb cities (under the pretext that their enemy uses the inhabitants as living shields), men, women, children die under the bombs and missiles… In four months of armed conflict more than 2,000 civilians and militaries have been killed and 6,000 others injured; 117,000 proletarians have been internally displaced and 730,000 others found refuge in Russia. Just as we were on the point of finishing this article dead bodies are strewn over the streets of Donetsk, caught in a government’s offensive stranglehold. 

In the same text we also wrote that the only reply of the proletariat to the war is to organize and develop revolutionary defeatism, i.e. practically refuse to join one or the other camp, on the contrary to build connections between proletarians from both sides of the conflict through the struggle against both bourgeoisies. As even in this field things developed, our text deserves (three month after publishing) a post-scriptum. 
This text is based on information drawn from different sources (that we quote in footnotes) from militant blogs to official media. This short description of events in the Ukraine required hours and hours of careful work, searching information, reading texts, watching videos, comparing different data etc. We would like to emphasize two things: Firstly, the fact that the events that we describe here were not covered by BBC or Euronews does not mean that they did not happen, that we invented them (various leftist sources and also Ukrainian and Russian media describe them). Secondly, it is clear that the news that we get from the Ukraine are chaotic, incomplete and sometimes contradictory. This however doesn’t mean that we should give up our attempt to grasp what is going on there. We believe that we should face a selective reporting of the state with a critical and radical position of anti-capitalist movement; we should develop and share information and analysis that see the world through a prism of revolutionary perspective. 
 
War ideology (either based on a defence of a united national state on one side or the right for a self-determination and pro-Russian sympathies on the other side) is taking root in Ukraine, civil society organizations organize fund-raising campaign to support the army, popes bless arms of this or that side, and television repeats scenes of babushkas supplying armed man with their last jar of compote. Not all proletarians however let themselves to be brainwashed with the war propaganda of one or the other side, not all of them want to sacrifice themselves “for their homeland”. Expressions of practical refuse of war slaughter appear in always greater numbers and both sides of the conflict have big difficulties to recruit new manpower for their mutual massacre. 
Thousands of soldiers of the Ukrainian army that the government sent in the so-called anti-terrorist operations (ATO) in the east of the country, deserted or switched to the other side with all equipment, including tanks and armoured vehicles. As for example the Ukrainian 25th airborne brigade (elite troop par excellence), whose servicemen have been accused of “displaying cowardice” during fighting in Kramatorsk, was disbanded on April 17th because expressing refusal to “fight against other Ukrainians”.ii The most recently it was a unit of 400 soldiers that deserted and took refuge on the Russian side of the border after finding itself without any ammunition under a heavy fire. The soldiers that will be, as Russia already announced, extradited back to Ukrainian territory, testified that they prefer rather be charged of desertion than to continue to kill and be killed on the eastern front. All the deserters claimed that they do not want to fight against “their own people” and they also denounced desperate living conditions, which they had to face in the army - lousy pay, lousy food, or even lack of it, etc. Other units were not even deployed in the east for their unreliability. In the same way as they could not be used by former President Yanukovych to suppress the demonstrators, neither the current government dares to send to the conflict the troops known for their minimal loyalty. 
About one thousand soldiers of units from the region of Volhynia mutinied in Mykolayiv on May 29th. Servicemen of 3rd battalion of 51st brigade refused to be sent back to the front, they refused the orders of their superiors and they started to unload the heavy machinery and other material already prepared for transport. They were promised, after the unit had suffered heavy losses in a confrontation with the separatists near a village of Volnovakha, to return to their home barracks in Rivno. Instead of that they were moved from the east to the south and back so that the authorities could finally announce them that they will continue their training before being sent again to the front. “Having lost any kind of trust in the generals in light of the latest events at Volnovakha and during the funerals in Rivne, and the betrayal of the generals; the soldiers have begun an open rebellion.”iii 
Also the 2nd battalion of 51st brigade that was situated in the barracks in Rivno in the same time and witnessed both funerals of soldiers from 3rd battalion killed in the gunfight in Volnovakha and chaotic and lying leadership of the operations mutinied. “The generals were saying “go north” then “go south” to the extent that the soldiers are ready to shoot them. The generals have begun wearing bulletproof vests out of fear of fragging!”iv About 1,200 soldiers took part to the mutiny; they refused to be transferred to Mykolayiv. “They promised, when they called upon us, that we would be guarding the Ukranian-Belorussian border. We are ready to do so, but to move on those Donbas clowns we are not!”v 
Similar rebellion appeared also on May 28th in Poltava. 
Four days earlier, after six soldiers originally from the region of Volhynia were killed, mothers, wives and relatives of soldiers of 51st brigade blocked the roads in the region of Volhinya to protest against further deployment of the unit in Donbas.vi 
Demonstrations and protests organized by wives and other relatives of draftees asking return of soldiers home or trying to block their departure to the front meanwhile spread to other regions of the Ukraine (Bukovina, Lviv, Kherson, Melitopol, Volhynia etc.). Families of the soldiers were blocking the roads with chopped down trees in the region of Lviv at the beginning of June.vii A demonstration of relatives blocked the entrance of military enlistment office in Lviv some days later.viii In Iavorivo (region of Lviv) family members occupied an exercising ground of 24th mechanized brigade and they demanded a withdrawal of departure to the frontline.ix Demonstrations of relatives in Dnepropetrovsk and Kharkov demanded return of the soldiers to the barracks in their native regions.x Women from Kharkov occupied local military airport. Local military enlistment office in Kherson was occupied by soldiers’ mothers and wives. They called for end of the war with slogans like: “Women against war”, “Where do sons of oligarchs serve?” or “Our children are not a cannon fodder”.xi In Chernovtsy women blocked the highway to Zhitomir for several days and they claimed return of soldiers home.xii On June 24th relatives blocked 125th kilometre of highway Kyiv–Chop, they were holding banners like: “Bring back our children, send generals’ children to the East“.xiii On June 8th, a group of 100 soldiers’ relatives blocked troops from the 3033 military unit based in Melitopol, in the region of Zaporozhe. The protest managed to prevent the soldiers from being sent to the front. The relatives involved in the protest movement also protested against the state propaganda that describes them as “pro-Russian separatists”: “Yesterday the news talked of ‘pro-Russian separatists staged a blockade of the military unit’. But there was no mention of Russia at the gate of the military unit! We just do not want to lose our families’ breadwinners. (…). Donetsk is a massacre, and our children are 20-21 years old. (…) You see us, we are mothers! How can you call us separatists!”, claimed one of the participating women.xiv Mothers and wives of soldiers protested against their sending to the front in front of the military base in Ternopil on July 15th.xv 
And it is not the first time the families of soldiers confront a military action. During the period that finally resulted in a fall of former president Janukovych relatives and other people organised meetings in front of barracks, they discussed with the soldiers in order to bring them information about what was really going on in the streets and to persuade them to refuse to participate in a potential crackdown on demonstrators. 
Meanwhile new men continue to be conscripted to the army. Even if they must enlist on the basis of an obligatory military card, the government still passes them for volunteers. “We are no volunteers (...) we do not want to kill people (...) we will not go anywhere, we will take off our uniforms and we will go home”, proclaimed draftees in a protest rally in Lviv.xvi 
After the Presidential Decree of Poroshenko about the third wave of mobilization in the military forces came in force on July 24th, what would send further thousands of proletarians to the front, unrests broke up in several places in Western Ukraine with new force: in the village of Voloka the whole population resisted to the conscription of 50 men. “They begun – let themselves resolve. We will die but we will not give our children. They must understand it and don’t come here with their call-up papers”, an old protester declared.xvii Relatives of soldiers blocked a road near the village of Korovia on July 25th demanding an end of the mobilisation and sons of authorities to be sent to the front instead.xviii The same day a road in Obukhivs’kyi district, near Kyiv, was blocked by families of soldiers too. Blockades continued further also on July 28th in seven villages in Bukovina region and the highway Kyiv – Chop was blocked again too. During an anti-war demonstration in front of a recruiting office in Novoselytsa protesters beat up a district council member who tried to talk to them.xix Inhabitants of several villages of Ivano-Frankivsk region broke into the office of local military administration on July 22nd and burnt down call-up papers and other documents considering the mobilisation. The same happened the same day in Bogorodchany.xx In different villages people massively burnt conscription documents delivered by post.xxi In Mukachevo, in Transcarpathia the situation escalated so that its military commander worrying about continuation of the protests suspended the mobilisation for the time being and promised that none of the locals will be sent to the front in near future.xxii Other militant mobilizations against the war also occurred in the region of Zaporozhe on August 4th as well as in front of the parliament in Kyiv the day after.xxiii 
Kyiv that can currently hardly count on its regular army has therefore rely on private armies of some oligarchs and National Guard, volunteers’ militia formed mainly from nationalists of Pravyi Sektor (Right sector) and Svoboda (Freedom) party during the protest movement against Janukovych. The new units of National Guard are not especially trained for military actions, but mainly for repression of mass protests and riots, as revealed their parade in Kyiv at the end of June. For that matter, hundreds of fascists from National-socialist assembly and Ukrainian patriots attacked already in June a demonstration against anti-terrorist operation that was taking place in Kyiv. 
Neither the members of the National Guard are nevertheless out of the contradictions shaking both of the camps. Radio Free Europe published recently a videoxxiv that shows a serviceman of the National Guard blaming the government for not being able to provide the volunteers with enough of food, water and guns: “We’re used as cannon fodder” he states. Material conditions here catch up even those who thing that they are ideologically above them. 
Mercenaries from all over the world also fight on the side of Kyiv, they were hired for the government by private agencies (reportedly it concerns mercenary troops from Poland, the Czech Republic, the former Yugoslavia, but also from the area of equatorial Africa). 
Recruitment of new fighters doesn’t advance according to the wishes of the local warlords in the camp of the separatists either. The majority of miners of the region of Donbas still refuse to join their side. Instead of that they form units of self-defence standing against both separatists and government troops. One of these units clashed with the separatists and prevented them to blow up a mine in the village of Makiivka. In Krasnodon, in the region of Lugansk, in May miners organized a general strike and took the control of the city. They openly refused to join either the side of separatists’ “anti-Maidan” in Lugansk, or the side of the oligarchs of the Maidan in Kyiv, and they called for increase of their wages and against hiring labour force for the mine via private agencies instead.xxv 
Miners from six mines in Donbas basin started to strike at the end of May calling for an end of the anti-terrorist operation in the east of the country and retreat of the troops.xxvi Their action was a result of their own initiative and was not forced in any way by armed men of Donetsk People’s Republic as claimed some media. According to the strikers war represents a danger for the very existence of the mines and brings unemployment. “On Monday May 26th, when the Ukrainian army began bombings of the towns, the miners simply did not turn up to work, because the ‘external factor’ of hostilities taking place almost at their doorstep seriously increased the risk of industrial accidents at their enterprise. For example, had a bomb hit the electrical substation, the miners would have been trapped underground, which to them would inevitably mean death.”xxvii The strike was started by some 150 miners form the mine Oktyabrskiy and it spread like a chain reaction onto other pits of the Donetsk (Skochinskiy, Abakumov, “Trudovskaya”, etc.) but also to collieries of other cities, particularly Ugledar (“Yuzhnodonbasskaya no. 3”). In mines owned by Rinat Achmetov, the richest man of Ukraine and owner of an industrial empire economically controlling practically the whole eastern part of the country workers were forced to continue to work, they continued to go down the pits despite bombardment of the close neighbourhood. Also from the initiative of the miners of Oktyabrskiy mine (and again without any support of Donetsk People’s Republic) an anti-war demonstration of several thousand of participants was organised on May 28th.xxviii On June 18th several thousands of miners demonstrated for immediate end of military operations in the centre of Donetsk again. The participants claimed that they are not separatists, but ordinary people of Donbas. They also declared that if the Kyiv government didn’t meet their demands, they would take up guns. 
Separatists as well as local pro-Kyiv oligarchs try to manipulate and interpret these chaotic and contradictory assemblies according to their own interests. Rinat Achmetov, the oligarch of Donetsk therefore organised his own “strike” for united Ukraine, separatists on the other hand try to pass the miners manifestations for an expression of pro-Russian position of Donbas workers. 
Despite nationalist or separatist mottos that appear in miners’ demonstrations, workers are not very keen to join the Donbas People’s Militia. One of the separatist commanders, Igor Girkin, recently publicly complaint that local people take guns from his armoury, but instead of serving with them in separatists’ militias, they bring them to their homes to protect their families and villages against both sides of the conflict.xxix Separatists therefore continue to count on local criminal gangs which (after being paid) helped them to take control of governmental buildings, police stations, armouries, arterial roads and communication devices during several months lasting operation in the region of Donetsk and Lugansk. The majority of separatists’ forces is nevertheless made of mercenaries from the opposite side of the (Russian) border, particularly the veterans of Chechnya wars. 
If the real anti-war movement, the movement of revolutionary defeatism, wants to succeed, it has to become not only massive and generalized, but it also has to get organized, get structured. We have only little information about organisational structures of the movement in Ukraine. We can deduce the existence of some structures from the events themselves (repeating demonstrations or strikes of several thousand people cannot be a result of a spontaneous explosion of anger, in the same way protests of soldiers’ relatives, as we have described them above, demand a certain level of coordination, organized collaboration on the level of content and practice), existence of other formal or informal organisational structures is confirmed by incomplete information we get from the field. Some already existing associations turned into frameworks centralising anti-war activities – for example Donetsk region Parents Community “Kroha”xxx that published an appeal to the public on June 10th, however limited, contradictory and pacifist it can be: “We, the parents of Donetsk region, appeal to you, politicians, public figures, people who care. Help save the people of Sloviansk, Krasny Liman, Kramatorsk, stop the military operations. We need your help in bringing home the truth about what is happening in these cities. For many weeks, people live under incessant artillery fire. Civilians constantly die. Some children have been injured; the death of three children is confirmed. Houses, hospitals, kindergartens and schools are collapsing. People, including children, live in a permanent state of stress, hiding for many hours from almost-never-stopping attacks in basements. (…) We ask for your help in saving the lives of these people and stopping military actions.”xxxi Another association, Donbas Mothers claims in its declaration: “We just want to live! We, ordinary people: husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and sisters. We, peaceful civilians, are the hostages of the conflict in our region, the victims of military clashes. We are tired of fear and crave for peace. We want to live in our houses, walk along the streets of our cities, work at the companies and organizations of our region, and farm our land. (...) We, mothers of Donbas, insist on putting an immediate stop to the anti-terrorist operation and any military actions in our region! (…) We are sure that the conflict in our country can be peacefully resolved! Stop the war! Avert children’s deaths! Save the people of Donbas!”xxxii The Voice of Odessa organized a demonstration against war on July 13th in Odessa. The participants shouted mottos as “We are against the war!”, “Stop ATO in the East!” or “We want peace!” The flash mob featured chilling audio recordings of artillery shelling and the impact on civilians.xxxiii In Kharkov local anti-war associations (among others the Women’s Movement of Kharkov “Kharkivianka”) organized a demonstration in front of tank factory VA Malyshev on June 20th. This factory received an order for 400 armored vehicles to be sent to the front. The demonstrators demanded cancellation of the order and shouted slogans as “No to war” or “Stop the senseless killing!”xxxiv 
Social and economic situation in the whole Ukraine meanwhile gets worse. Devaluation of the local currency, increase in prices of basic goods, transport and services and cuts in production in many companies lead to a sharp decrease of real wages estimated between 30 and 50 percent of losses. Kyiv government, under a pressure of international financial institutions has to adopt series of austerity measures that will further worsen the living conditions of the proletariat, in the same time it is preparing the biggest wave of privatization since 20 years. Central government stopped since May the payment of wages of state employees, social benefits and pensions in the territories that are not under its control, thousands of workers are therefore without any incomes. Situation in the regions where military operations take place is even worse – supplies of electricity and water are interrupted, medicine and food are scarce. 
Social unrests precipitated by this situation appear since a certain time. Besides the miners’ strikes in the eastern part of the country also the proletarians in the western regions start to have enough. Miners of Krivoy Rog started a general unlimited strike in May demanding a double increase of their wages. They started to organize self-defence armed militias. In their declaration addressed to workers in all Europe they describe Russian and Ukrainian oligarchs, whatever side they are on (separatist or Kyiv one) as the main reason for the crisis: “We turn to you with a call to support our struggle against the oligarchs, who have brought Ukraine into the current crisis and who continue to destabilise it further, threatening to provoke a fratricidal war in Ukraine which without any doubt will have catastrophic consequences for all of Europe.”xxxv 
Several demonstrations for “decent living conditions”, against increasing in prices and for increase in wages and pensions took place in different cities in the whole country. (Series of actions against increase in prices of housing and utility tariffs took place for example in Kyiv during late June and July. On July 1st a demonstration against rise in prices went on in Kharkov. The biggest protest so far took place in Kyiv on July 24th under mottos as “Cut the oligarchs, not the people” and “Do not rob ordinary citizens”.)xxxvi 
Early August the last handful of resisters who continued to occupy Maidan square in Kyiv (“because nothing has changed!”) is attacked by two battalions of the National Guard to evict them. They were acting by order of the new mayor Vitali Klitchko, what demonstrates once again that promises of a bourgeois politician (early this year he asked the occupiers not to evacuate the square “as long as there is no genuine changes in Ukraine”) only involve those who believe in them... Violent clashes nevertheless broke out during the eviction, what the international bourgeois media didn’t talk about once again, since the Kyiv government is the Western ally and the “ultimate horror” can only be embodied by the Eastern separatists and Russia. 
Donetsk People’s Republic tries to restrain the miners’ movement that cares more for their material interests than any ideology, while balancing between demands of strikers who were promised a nationalization of industrial complexes and interests of oligarchs who were promised inviolability of private property. 
The anti-war movement, even if it is so far limited in both space and content, workers’ strikes and demonstrations not for ideology but for material interests of proletariat in both camps, all that confirms what we wrote in our previous text: “(…) the triggering of the imperialist war (...) doesn’t necessarily mean the definitive crushing of the proletariat. Indeed, historically, if the war in the first time means a relative crushing, it can then dialectically determine a re-emergence of the struggles all the more strong since it is the war that exposes the contradictions and the brutality immanent to the capitalist system.” 
Yet we can again and again meet with so-called “revolutionaries” defending the anti-terrorist operation, because they believe that it will allow a return to the “normal” class struggle. Yet we can read (even if fragmentary and contradictory) news about “anarchists” active in separatists administration structures, because they consider them to be a lesser evil in comparison with Kyiv government. 
We do not support war and its atrocities in any way and we are aware that any military conflict means worsening of living conditions of proletarians. However we, as communists, cannot adopt a thesis that we could prevent a military conflict while supporting one or another war sides. Proletariat has no interest in preserving present or previous conditions of its misery. Proletariat has no homeland to defend. The side of proletariat in any war is a united and uncompromising action of proletarians of both competing camps against both war camps of bourgeoisie. 
The struggle against war means revolutionary defeatism! Revolutionary proletarian front against bourgeoisie from both war camps! 
Let’s confront the war with direct action, sabotage, general, radical and combative strike! 
Class solidarity with revolutionary defeatists from all camps! 
 August 2014 